Abortion
statistics released over Thanksgiving:
CDC
reports slight rise in abortion rate for most recent year, while
total number falls 1.1%
The Centers
for Disease Control released its annual
abortion statistics on the Wednesday night before Thanksgiving,
the slowest news moment of the year, as has been the custom since
President Bush entered office in 2001. As in the past, these statistics
(for 2004) are a poor representation of national trends because
they are dependent on reporting to state health departments, and
do not include any data from three states (including California,
which is responsible for 20-25% of all abortions in the US). No
mainstream media carried stories about the statistics during the
first five days after they were released.
Conservative
media trumpeted the results as showing the lowest abortion number
since 1973, though statistics gathered at that time were even less
reliable since the number of illegal abortions at that time were
substantially higher. The 2004 numbers show a slight decrease of
1.1% from the 47 reporting states, excluding New York City and the
District of Columbia. But not mentioned is the increased abortion
rate, from 15/1000 women of reproductive age in 2003 to 16/1000
in 2004. The decline of 1.1% represents half the rate of decline
during the Clinton Administration. The abstract of the study glosses
over the increase in the abortion rate in 2004 by stating that it
was "relatively unchanged" from 1998 to 2004. No mention
is made in the abstract of ethnic demographics, showing that African-American
women have abortion rates roughly five times those of white women.
Meanwhile, new
data from the World Health Organization and the Guttmacher
Insititute, published in October 2007 in the British Medical Journal,
the Lancet, demonstrated a nearly 9% decline in abortion rates worldwide
between 1996 and 2003. The US rate is substantially lower than the
rate across all developed countries (16 vs 26), but still somewhat
higher than Canada and most Western European countries. Perhaps
most strikingly, the abortion rate in developing countries (29/1000)
remained somewhat higher than in the developed world, despite being
illegal in many of those countries. The authors concluded that illegality
may have no effect on the total number of abortions, while resulting
in substantial morbidity and mortality to the mothers. 26
Nov 2007
Bush
vetoes SCHIP bill:
Choosing
tobacco and insurance interests over expanded healthcare for children
Gov
Eliot Spitzer on the illogic (and moral cowardice) of this SCHIP
veto
~
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LA
Times reports death of innocents:
Possibly
more than 1.2 million people killed in Iraq since 2003 invasion
~
~ ~
The
real story behind the invasion:
Greenspan
asserts that hundreds of thousands are dead in Iraq because of oil
~
~ ~
Senate discounts Geneva
Convention prohibitions on torture, and gives Bush virtually unrestrained
power over detainees
The
Senate approved legislation this week entitled the “Military
Commissions Act of 2006” that must be viewed as a severe affront
to anyone with Catholic sensibilities. The new law allows the president
to identify anyone, including an American citizen, as an “enemy
combatant”; to imprison them indefinitely; and to torture
them if he chooses, without any oversight by any court. The law
gives Mr. Bush wide-ranging power to reinterpret the Geneva Conventions,
and strips the courts of any jurisdiction to challenge his interpretation.
Jesus himself was the victim of this kind of treatment, and people
of conscience must stand in opposition to it.
The term “enemy combatant” has now been defined down
from someone “captured in battle” to anyone who has
"purposefully and materially supported hostilities against
the United States." As William Pitt has pointed out, “One
dark-comedy aspect of the legislation is that senators or House
members who publicly disagree with Bush, criticize him, or organize
investigations into his dealings could be placed under the same
designation. In effect, Congress just gave Bush the power to lock
them up.” The same could apply to anyone who writes a critical
letter to a newspaper, protests in public, or advocates Mr. Bush’s
impeachment.
A very public confrontation between three Republican senators, who
refused to allow Mr. Bush to use “waterboarding” on
detainees, seemed to be clearly resolved in the final compromise.
But many observers expected the White House to reassert in a “signing
statement” Mr. Bush’s right to do whatever he wants.
The Congress and the Administration essentially ignored calls by
the US Bishops’ Conference on September 15 “to reject
any proposed legislation that would call into question America’s
commitment to Common Article 3” of the Geneva Conventions,
which prohibits “cruel treatment and torture” as well
as “outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating
and degrading treatment.”
Orlando
Bishop Thomas Wenski, chairman of the USCCB International Policy
Committee, wrote to Senators, “Prisoner mistreatment compromises
human dignity. A respect for the dignity of every person, ally or
enemy, must serve as the foundation of security, justice and peace.
There can be no compromise on the moral imperative to protect the
basic human rights of any individual incarcerated for any reason.”
He went on to say, “In the face of this perilous climate,
our nation must not embrace a morality based on an attitude that
‘desperate times call for desperate measures,’ or ‘the
end justifies the means.’ The inherent justice of our cause
and the perceived necessities involved in confronting terrorism
must not lead to a weakening or disregard of U.S. or international
law.”
We support our bishops in opposition to any laws that allow our
government to violate basic human dignity by depriving our enemies—and
indeed even us—of the right to confront our accuser, to expect
freedom from torture, and to appeal one’s case beyond the
authority of politicians whose own professional fortunes are served
by appearing “tough on terrorism” at the expense of
others. Christ asks us to stand with the victims of the world, but
never by becoming victimizers ourselves. 30
Sept 2006
Remembering 9/11, and judging
our response
September 11
is a day of remembrance that evokes a sense of utter empathy for
the suffering of individuals and families, a natural outrage toward
the perpetrators, and a wide spectrum of feelings toward our government’s
response on our behalf these past five years. President Bush responded
to our grief by waging two wars, doubling expenditures on our military,
and significantly sharpening public perceptions of the danger of
the modern world. Remembrance of 9/11 has been the rallying cry
for war, high end tax breaks, and the election of conservatives.
But the word
“remembrance” means something very special to Catholics.
At each Mass the priest repeats, not once but twice, Jesus’
essential words, “Do this in remembrance of me.” He
was speaking specifically about body broken, and blood spilled,
for the wellbeing of others. Contrast his words with new
reports suggesting that a minimum of 62,000 people have been killed
by both sides directly as a result of our American “war on
terror,” and probably closer to an upper estimate of 180,000.
Refugees are now estimated at 4.5 million people. The newest war
appropriation this past week by the US Congress has pushed funding
for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan past $500 billion--money that
might have been used to develop new energy technology to end dependence
on Mideast oil, eliminate global poverty, or provide health security
for all Americans. Is all this death and displacement what Jesus
had in mind, when he commanded us, “Do this in remembrance
of me?”
On the domestic
front in the United States, life has taken a significant turn for
the worse on several fronts. Three recent polls by the Pew Research
Center, Peter D. Hart Research, and Lake Research Partners found
evidence of deep pessimism among American workers about the likelihood
that their wages would keep up with inflation or that their children
would do better economically than had they. The Pew poll found that
69% of workers said they suffered more job stress than a decade
ago, 62% felt less job security, and 59% said Americans had to work
harder just to stay even. The economic response of some in Congress
has been to aggressively pursue extension of tax cuts for America’s
wealthiest, with a devotion to the idea of trickle down economics
that will “lift all boats.” Is this what Jesus meant,
when he said, “Do this in remembrance of me?”
Violent crime
in the United States has increased sharply this past year, according
to new FBI statistics showing the murder rate up almost 5% over
2004. Robberies and assaults have also risen around the country.
Meeting in August, mayors and police officials from around the country
cited the escalating number of weapons on the streets and looser
firearms laws as the principal reasons for the new surge in violence.
But no fewer than five bills are currently under consideration in
Congress to weaken existing gun laws, all being aggressively pushed
by the gun lobby and conservative lawmakers who otherwise promote
themselves as advocates of “family values.” Is weakening
our gun laws, and contributing to increased violent crime what Jesus
sought when he said, “Do this in remembrance of me?”
As Catholics,
we understand that Jesus set an example for us, indeed one which
is virtually impossible to achieve—he allowed himself to be
tortured to death in defense of those on earth who have no voice.
He identified strictly with the victims of the world, and he responded
solely with love. “Do this in remembrance of me,” he
said. Now as we gather to console one another about what we’ve
been through over the past five years as a nation, will we continue
to fool ourselves into thinking that more violence can end the current
violence? That a greater disparity of wealth in the United States
can create a more widespread sense of economic security? That more
guns will make anyone safer on our streets?
When Jesus
said, “Do this in remembrance of me,” he was calling
us to selflessness like his, to creativity like his, and to love
like his. Catholics and people of true faith will increasingly see
that we can only make progress in our injured world if we seek the
kind of self-sacrificing remembrance to which Jesus himself called
us, when before long the tenth anniversary of September
11 comes around.
Patrick
Whelan, 11 Sept 2006
The culture of death expands:
Bush abandons Israel and
Lebanon as Middle East descends into a new blood bath
As Israeli and
Hezbollah missiles came raining down on innocent civilian populations,
the Bush Administration refused last week to help bring the bloodshed
to an end. As he did when he took office in 2001, Mr. Bush publicly
washed his hands of any responsibility for brokering a ceasefire,
largely because the Administration has refused to deal directly
with Iran, Hezbollah, or Syria on issues of regional security. Behind
the scenes, Deputy National Security Advisor Elliott Abrams and
Assistant Secretary of State David Welch were dispatched to begin
low-level discussions with Israeli and Palestinian officials as
the pointless cycle of violence escalated.
The question
of who started the violence seemed increasingly irrelevant as the
real potential rose for a wider conflict across the Middle East.
Sunday a Lebanese missile killed eight people in Israel’s
third largest city, Haifa, and Israel retaliated by dropping bombs
in Beirut and across southern Lebanon that killed at least 40 people.
An Iraqi Shiite cleric responded by vowing new attacks on US soldiers
in Iraq. The Associated Press quoted Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
as saying, “If the occupying regime of Jerusalem attacks Syria,
it will be equivalent to an attack on the whole Islamic world and
the (Israeli) regime will face a crushing response.” Each
Hezbollah missile builds enmity among Israelis toward Iran and Syria,
and each Israeli bomb leads to more hatred across the Arab world
toward America.
As Fr. Bargil
Pixner has pointed out, Christians were the majority population
in the Holy Land for most of the last 2000 years. Now the tables
have turned, and Christians are a small minority, as in the days
following Jesus’ Resurrection. How easily we forget that Jesus
was a Jew, preaching peace among his people and seeking to persuade
his countrymen that no amount of repression was worth taking the
life of another human being. The architects of the militarization
of our Holy Land—President Assad’s Syria, President
Ahmadinejad’s Iran, and President Bush’s America—must
engage one another immediately. The people there are too precious
to allow us the luxury of sitting by idly while hatred extinguishes
their lives with the tools that foreigners have provided.
17 July 2006
Supreme Court Voids Military Tribunals:
Bush officials now susceptible
to war crimes prosecution for treatment of prisoners around the
world
Catholics and
other Christians profess discipleship to a Savior who was tortured
to death by the military superpower of His day, and whose ministry
focused on urging us to identify with the victim rather than the
oppressor. Last week the US Supreme Court issued a ruling that left
the modern-day proponents of torture quivering with fear and loathing.
In Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, the Administration had sought to defend its
plan to try the Guantánamo prisoners-of-war in military courts,
because it seems likely that the use of torture there and the absence
of specific evidence of wrongdoing by the accused would have led
to dismissal of charges for most or all of the cases in federal
criminal court. Perhaps more ominously, the Court ruled that the
Administration must abide by the Geneva Conventions in their treatment
of these prisoners. This less-publicized dimension of the ruling
has perhaps the most profound implications, because Administration
officials who approved of torture methods can now potentially be
prosecuted for war crimes.
The court indicated that the Geneva Conventions’
Common Article 3 applies to the Bush “war on terror,”
by virtue of the fact that it prohibits torture and even “outrages
upon personal dignity.” Under US federal criminal law, violators
of Article 3 can explicitly be subject to imprisonment and even
the death penalty. While the Bush Justice Department is unlikely
to pursue such charges against its own, a future administration
could do just that.
When the Administration decided to submit the prisoners
in its custody to torture, their lawyers knew full well that Mr.
Bush may be surrendering any capability to try those individuals
in a court of law for the threat they had posed to the lives of
Americans. Rather than hold the Administration accountable for this
gross error of judgment undermining national security, Republican
Senators John Warner and Arlen Specter scheduled hearings to craft
new legislation codifying the Administration’s intent to hold
military trials. Enabling the Administration’s flawed plan
indicated that these senators had completely missed the point of
the Court’s ruling. Congress could respond to the ruling by
adopting penalties for the 2005 McCain legislation banning torture,
which if applied to future detainees would avoid the threat to national
security created by the Administration’s use of torture toward
these prisoners.
As Christians,
we are called to use persuasion rather than coercion to reach for
the Kingdom of the Lamb that Jesus has described for us. The Supreme
Court ruling invites members of the Administration to reconsider
their use of torture and their willingness to operate outside of
US law in confining human beings indefinitely in Guantánamo,
the prison camps of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the CIA’s secret
gulags around the world. “When I was in prison, you visited
me” said Jesus. And no matter how bad the accused in our prisons
may be, we are similarly called in Matthew 25 to treat them humanely.
2 July 2006
The DaVinci Code controversy:
Conservatives miss the boat
on one of the year’s biggest religious opportunities
Conservative groups have
reacted around the world with righteous indignation at the opening
of the film adaptation for Dan Brown’s dramatically compelling,
but poorly-written novel, “The DaVinci Code.” Calls
for a boycott of Sony Pictures are reminiscent of the knee-jerk
response to the 1989 Martin Scorcese film, “The Last Temptation
of Christ,” when Catholic protests against the film drove
up attendance to the great satisfaction of the producers. Catholic
conservatives are insuring that more people than ever will see Ron
Howard’s film this year. So if their intent is to limit the
fallout for the already battered reputation of our Church, the effect
of their efforts will be exactly the opposite of their intent.
What most fail to realize
is that putting up fisticuffs in response to some seeming insult,
like a story that uses Jesus as a simple character in a typical
Hollywood mystery, plays into their failure to comprehend the central
message that Jesus brought to us in the Gospels: love your enemies.
The sententious Bill Donohue, who uses the Catholic League to dress
up the Heritage Foundation’s pro-Republican agenda in Catholic
language, blurted out threats to the film’s director in a
press release in advance of the film’s release: “Had
he done what other directors have done before him and put in a disclaimer,
the risks to his reputation would have been minimal. Now it’s
show time for Mr. Howard, and not just his movie.”
But Christianity is not
about threats, or beating up on its adversaries, or intimidating
others into believing its message. True Christianity is about living
the Gospel, and letting others judge the power of the message for
themselves. People of Mr. Donohue’s ilk who do not acknowledge
the brokenness of their Christianity, when it fails to grapple with
things like the Bush Administration’s ongoing sponsorship
of murder in Iraq and their un-Christian threats against Iran and
Syria, can only be stuck tinkering around the edges of evangelization
while someone like Ron Howard wins the hearts of Christians with
simple fiction. The belligerence of the conservatives, more than
anything else, makes that fiction ring vaguely true for the millions
who have already read the book.
18 May 2006
The immoral devotion to
pre-emptive war is alive and well in the Bush White House
Christianity
in America took a blow to the solar plexus Thursday as the Bush
Administration reiterated its commitment to the fundamentally anti-Christian
notion of preemptive war. “Love your enemies,” are the
three words that all scripture scholars agree were spoken by Jesus
himself. But there was no evidence of these important words anywhere
in the 49-pages of the new National Security Strategy released in
advance of a speech by National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley.
Meanwhile, a much-publicized attack on the Iraqi city of Samarra,
billed as the biggest air assault since the invasion, turned out
to be mostly a publicity stunt.
The 101st Airborne
Division was said to have launched airstrikes against the central
Iraqi city of Samarra and neighboring towns, employing hundreds
of armored vehicles and 50 aircraft that included Black Hawk and
Chinook transport helicopters and Apache attack helicopters. But
in the end, local commanders acknowledged that no munitions were
discharged and no rebel leaders were found. This comes as a new
NBC/Wall Street Journal poll showed 50% of Americans favor withdrawing
all US troops from Iraq in the next 12 months. A vast majority think
Mr. Bush is “losing ground” in Iraq, and the word “incompetent”
was the most commonly cited descriptor volunteered by respondents
in the poll to describe his leadership.
In violation
of a 1986 law compelling annual disclosure of the National Security
Strategy, the Administration finally released its report--four years
after the last version proved to be the initial bombshell of a philosophical
underpinning for their unprovoked invasion of Iraq. Emblematic of
what conservative pundit Kevin Phillips has called "a national
Disenlightenment,” the exceptionalism of the Administration’s
approach to military intervention is littered throughout the document.
“No country should ever use preemption as a pretext for aggression,”
warned the statement, despite Mr. Bush’s having used preemption
in Iraq as a pretext for his aggression there in 2003.
“Under long-standing
principles of self defense, we do not rule out the use of force
before attacks occur, even if uncertainty remains as to the time
and place of the enemy's attack,” continued the document,
oblivious to the deaths of more than 100,000 people in Iraq as a
result of the Administration’s miscalculations there about
weapons of mass destruction and ties to the September 11th hijackers.
“The place of preemption in our national security strategy
remains the same. We will always proceed deliberately, weighing
the consequences of our actions. The reasons for our actions will
be clear, the force measured, and the cause just."
Some commentators reflected
on the inability of Republican leaders to learn not only the lessons
of Vietnam, but of the reaffirmation of the law of unintended consequences
playing out before our eyes today in Iraq. Preemptive war has brought
untold suffering on every child in Iraq, every family of US military
personnel there, and all those Americans deprived of the services
that would have been purchased with the $300 billion dollars that
have been wasted so far chasing the report’s astoundingly
naïve “ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world."
Meanwhile, the
religious apologists were busy rewriting the Gospels in defense
of President Bush’s moral failures. Fr. Richard Neuhaus, a
favorite of right wing Catholic supporters of Mr. Bush and editor
of the monthly journal First Things, bent over backwards
to defend preemptive killing in an interview on National Public
Radio. Speaking of Mr. Bush, he said, “The action that he
took is morally defensible in principle,” adding that because
the invasion was a result of mistaken judgement rather than evil
intent, it may be morally justifiable. “Yes, you can make
that case (for attacking Iraq) if one understands preemptive war
as a response to a plausibly threatening aggression,” he said.
“If you have reason to believe that someone coming into your
office intends to do you violence—you think they have a gun
in their pocket that they’re pointing at you or whatever—that
informs and supplies a moral rationale for the moral response you
might make.” But Fr. Neuhaus was flummoxed when the interviewer
corrected him and asked if the aggression was still justified if
the attacker was sitting in his own living room without having actually
done anything provocative.
Reflecting now
on the two million deaths in Southeast Asia as a result of the mistaken
1960s prediction that communism would overrun all the countries
there, one is struck by the nimble moral calculus that makes such
destruction on a massive scale morally justified as long as the
political leaders thought in good faith that there was some type
of real threat. We now know that the political scientists were completely
wrong in Vietnam, because the communists won the war and no dominoes
subsequently fell.
The same lesson
should apply in Iraq. Paul Pillar, the former CIA officer who led
U.S. intelligence efforts in the Middle East, has written in the
current issue of Foreign Affairs (quoted in the Washington Post),
"It has become clear that official intelligence was not relied
on in making even the most significant national security decisions,
that intelligence was misused publicly to justify decisions already
made, that damaging ill will developed between policymakers and
intelligence officers, and that the intelligence community's own
work was politicized."
The multiplying bodies
and charred psyches of today’s combatants testify to the similarity
between the miscalculations in Vietnam and those ongoing in Iraq.
But the Administration blithely blunders along with a new National
Security Strategy that puts in writing its determination to learn
nothing from its mistakes. Perhaps more significantly, it also shows
how blind our government has become to the most poignant legacy
left us by Christ and our Old Testament heritage: those who live
by the sword can expect only the sword in return.
18 March 2006
State of the Union
hides increased abortion, ongoing torture and killing in Iraq, and
budgets hurting the most vulnerable
Mr. Bush delivered
a State of the Union message that was superficially hopeful, but
reinforced all the same policies that have led to continued increases
in the deficit, in the deaths of both military and civilians in
Iraq, and in the first increases in US abortion rates since 1990.
His speech was a stew of contradictions. He referred to the “dark
vision of hatred and fear” among America’s adversaries,
combated by a “hopeful alternative of political freedom and
peaceful change.” But he made no reference to the dark vision
of hatred and fear that he and his vice-president perpetrated in
a cavalcade of color-coded “terror alerts” that mysterious
ended just before the presidential election in 2004. In the daily
killing of both American military and innocent Iraqis and Afghanis,
it is difficult to see where “peaceful change” comes
into the Bush/Cheney strategy.
His condemnation
of Iran’s nuclear ambitions made no reference to his own nuclear
ambitions: to break the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty, by
reinitiating nuclear tests, and by supporting the design of two
new forms of tactical nuclear weapons that ostensibly are intended
for use against Iran.
On the domestic
front, he advocated permanent unbalanced decreases in the tax rates
for the wealthiest Americans like himself and Mr. Cheney, while
trivializing devastating cuts in domestic programs for medical research,
food stamps, college loans, and healthcare for the poor and elderly.
He euphemistically described these cuts as an effort to “reduce
or eliminate more than 140 programs that are performing poorly or
not fulfilling essential priorities.”
He again falsely
projected that he would cut the deficit in half, this time by the
year 2009. Even allowing for the failure of Mr. Bush’s efforts
last year to impose huge new financial demands on government revenues
by putting Social Security taxes in private accounts, no serious
economist thinks that there is even a remote chance of cutting the
deficit in half while making permanent the huge projected tax cuts
to America’s wealthiest heirs and investors.
On the premier
issue that Republicans have exploited to portray themselves as protectors
of America’s moral life, Mr. Bush apparently chose to ignore
data from the CDC showing increased abortions during his second
year in office. He stated, “There are fewer abortions in America
than at any point in the last three decades, and the number of children
born to teenage mothers has been falling for a dozen years in a
row.” He failed to point out that new CDC data now show the
first increases in abortion since his father was in office 16 years
ago, demonstrating the impotence of the four laws passed in the
first Bush term that sought to label the Democrats as being “pro-abortion.”
To give him the benefit of the doubt, he may have been alluding
to Planned Parenthood-sponsored data released last year that included
abortions in California (excluded from the CDC analysis). But depending
on continued positive abortion trends in a state led by a pro-choice
Republican governor and demonized by Republicans for its liberal
political culture is an ironic form of salvation for Mr. Bush’s
unrealized promises to “protect the unborn.”
The reality
remains that the decreases in abortion cited by Mr. Bush in his
speech were almost entirely attained under President Bill Clinton’s
two administrations. The statement about teen pregnancies served
to hide the fact that teen abortions per 1000 live births to teenagers
(the abortion ratio) actually rose in each of the two years of the
Bush presidency for which CDC data are available (from 363 in 2000,
to 368 in 2001, and 369 in 2002).
To his credit,
Mr. Bush spoke of relieving suffering in the developing world from
AIDS and malaria, and he called on Congress to pass funding for
the Ryan White Act that would improve accessibility to HIV drugs
for infected Americans. But one must be suspicious of the motives
here, given the construction of legislation authorizing both the
PEPFAR initiative to provide AIDS drugs in Africa and the new Medicard
Part D drug benefit for seniors. Both programs have resulted in
huge transfers of taxpayer dollars to pharmaceutical companies that
played a key role in writing the legislation, and which subsequently
hired the Republicans who designed these programs.
All-in-all,
the State of the Union message failed to take responsibility for
a legislative program that has resulted in hatred toward Americans
around the world, new threats to peace and stability, huge new expenditures
on the military while cutting healthcare for America’s most
vulnerable, and the first increases in abortions since 1990 despite
all the rhetoric claiming to stand up for “the most vulnerable
among us.” Catholic social teaching urges us to greater compassion
in our public lives, and actions in this regard speak much louder
than words.
1
Feb 2006
The CDC numbers prove the
lie of the Republican rhetoric, with abortion now climbing under
Bush
Published again
in the dark of night, on the Friday after Thanksgiving with virtually
no press coverage, the verdict is now in regarding Mr. Bush's effect
on abortion in America: the number of abortions rose in 2002 for
the first time in 13 years (See
the CDC report, 11/25/05). The increases were small,
representing a clear inflection point in the long-standing trend
under President Clinton that significantly decreased the total number
of abortions in the US. But the populations that experienced the
most significant increases were teenagers and poor women. The teen
population has been at the receiving end of information-free sex
education classes across America. The number of poor people in the
United States has climbed dramatically during the five years of
the Bush Administration.
Meanwhile, the
crowds gathered again in Washington DC, recalling the Supreme Court’s
1973 decision shifting authority on the issue away from individual
states. The concern for the unborn is real in the hearts of many,
but the focus is completely misplaced. As abortion rates dived below
where they were before Roe v Wade, in the vicinity of 20
per 1000 women of reproductive age per year, is this landmark decision
really relevant anymore to the abortion phenomenon in America?
Surprisingly,
law turns out to have little in common with morality, as demonstrated
by the fact that none of the Ten Commandments are actually written
into law. Even killing is considered acceptable in all sorts of
special circumstances: for instance, the state-sponsored killing
that has been condemned by our Bishops, or the dozens of people
who are being killed every day in Iraq by our military. Drunkeness
(the leading preventable cause of mental retardation and of
road deaths), divorce, and greed come to mind
as examples of sins that no one is trying to outlaw.
Mark Harrington,
director of the “Center for Bioethical Reform” in the
Midwest, wrote last week to his supporters, “Ending legal
abortion has always been the main goal of the pro life movement.
This battle is about changing hearts and minds on the morality of
abortion one person at a time. Outlawing abortion will never ‘zero’
its frequency of occurrence, but it will reduce its frequency of
occurrence to the irreducibly minimal level that can be achieved
through vigorous enforcement of the law.”
Mr. Harrington
is apparently unaware of the failures of similar previous crusades,
and people like him make four demonstrably false assumptions: First,
Republicans have given credence to the assumption that reversing
Roe-v-Wade, indeed even making abortion illegal, would
have any effect on the number of abortions. But the widespread support
for abortion rights makes any legislation against it guaranteed
to cause a huge rent in the social fabric. One has to look no further
than the Constitutional amendment imposing Prohibition, which was
never enforceable because it was never accepted by a large segment
of the American population. Anyone who thinks that making abortion
illegal, even with tough enforcement, will have any effect on abortion
rates is fooling themselves. One has but to look at the ubiquity
of marijuana use across the country, despite the hundreds of thousands
of people serving in state and federal prisons, to see that law
often has little capacity for controlling drug use. And make no
mistake, abortion will be an illegal drug problem in any state that
succeeds in outlawing it. This is because in the future, surgical
abortions will be increasingly less common and will be replaced
by abortion-inducing drugs. The easiest to use is the anti-ulcer
drug, misoprostol (which costs pennies to make, and is currently
sold for hundreds of dollars).
Second, illegal
does not equal immoral, and vice-versa. The ubiquity of
speeding, despite the fact that it kills people, does not equate
with immorality in most people’s minds. In fact, most people
have an intuitive sense of the immorality of something that seems
to have nothing to do with law. Invading other countries and killing
scores of thousands of people is apparently legal, but most Christians
recognize the immorality of it.
Third, there
is a widespread assumption that making abortion illegal is the only
way to deal with the problem. The fact is that the crusade to make
abortion illegal is, practically-speaking, an excuse to do nothing
that actually decreases abortions. Republican control of all three
branches of government has been associated with more abortions than
had been projected during the period of dramatic declines experienced
under the Clinton Administration. The Bush Administration will never
seek a Constitutional Amendment outlawing abortion, because it would
be counterproductive to them politically. Better to harness the
passion (and dollars) of people who care about the unborn, while
continuing to do nothing about the underlying factors leading to
abortion--like poverty, and racial disparities in education and
health care access.
Finally, to
those who think that making abortion illegal is the "moral"
solution to the problem—think again. Jesus would never have
advocated using the coercive power of the state to compel anyone
to a moral decision of any kind. Law may be a practical solution
to many problems, like compelling the payment of income taxes, but
it is never the “moral” solution for people of faith.
And as indicated above, overturning Roe-v-Wade may have
no effect on abortion rates at all. Restrictive laws in Mississippi
have had no effect on the abortion rates there. When one considers
that something approaching half of all current abortions in the
world are done illegally, there is no evidence that illegality would
have any practical effect on the abortion rates. Thus overturning
the decision cannot be described either as a practical solution,
or a "moral" solution, to the problem of abortion.
Ohio Democratic
Congressman Tim Ryan has fashioned legislation that, if enacted,
could dramatically lower abortion rates. Republican Congressmen
are rushing to join Rep. Ryan in sponsoring this legislation, because
of their concern about the unborn, right? Actually, nothing could
be further from the truth. The four "anti-abortion" bills
enacted during the first Bush Administration didn't even pretend
to have any effect on the abortion rates, but were rather all about
"labeling" the Democrats as the "pro-abortion party."
The last thing Republicans want is anti-abortion legislation that
Democrats can support, even if it might actually decrease the number
of abortions.
But back on
the subject of Roe-v-Wade, in contrast, the law of unintended
consequences suggests that illegality would lead to dramatic increases
in the birth defects associated with misoprostol use, increases
in late-term abortions, and increased feelings of isolation and
despair among young single women. The statistics now show just how
wrong the whole coercion-based Republican approach to abortion has
been. Jesus preached a religion of love, one that invites rather
than punishes, and those who preach a different religion are misleading
themselves when they invoke the name of Jesus to support overturning
Roe-v-Wade.
30 January 2006
House votes to oppose Bush
position on torture
How long will
it take President Bush to realize that his immoral assault on the
dignity of the individual must be given up? The House of Representatives
voted December 14 by an overwhelming margin of 308 to 122 to endorse
Senator John McCain’s legislation forbidding all forms of
torture by any agency of the US Government. 107 Republicans endorsed
the measure, which was sponsored by Pennsylvania Rep. John Murtha.
The Senate had previously voted 90-9 in favor of adding the torture
prohibition to the $453 billion defense appropriation bill.
Mr. Bush quietly
responded the following day by reversing his previous threat to
veto the defense bill if this amendment was included. But he offered
no admission that he was wrong. Indeed, news also emerged the same
week that the Administration had launched a secret re-writing of
the Army Field Manuel, with specific indications for allowed procedures.
Some insiders described it as a preemptive end-run around the McCain/Murtha
amendment, essentially allowing torture by redefining it with the
lowest possible bar.
Why has the
Administration clung to a universally condemned position like this
on the issue of torture? Perhaps it’s because their whole
case for war in Iraq has been slipping away as more and more information
comes to light about the ineptitude of their “tough guy”
approach to foreign policy. At the heart of the justification was
the oft-repeated link between Iraq and the 9-11 hijackers, which
turned out to hinge almostly entirely on the torture-elicited testimony
of Al Qaeda operative Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi. He was captured in
Pakistan in 2001, subjected to rendition by US authorities, and
approvingly tortured by the Egyptian security services. Vice President
Cheney and President Bush repeatedly cited the false information
elicited in that torture chamber as justification for attacking
Iraq.
Thus the Administration’s
torture policy had the perverse effect of not only failing to make
Americans safer, but of causing what Mr. Bush has now acknowledged
were the deaths of at least 30,000 Iraqis and more than 2100 American
service personnel.
Meanwhile, the
US Government continues to hold large numbers of people hostage
in a string of gulag-like interrogation facilities around the world
with no accountability to anyone. December 9 the State Department
announced that it would continue to deny any Red Cross access to
these people to assess their physical wellbeing or any history of
torture. This position is in gross violation of the Geneva Conventions,
to which the United States was a founding signatory.
The December
14 issue of the New England Journal of Medicine is headlined with
an essay
by Dr. Susan Okie offering her reflections on a medical
mission to the Guantanamo Prison Camp in Cuba. She goes into some
detail about the circumstances surrounding the hunger strike by
131 of the 500 prisoners earlier this fall, and forced feeding of
22 of them through naso-gastric tubes. Anyone who considers themselves
a follower of Christ and a supporter of this Administration should
read this essay and reflect on the central message of our faith
this Christmas.
The Bush Administration’s
treatment of human beings in Guantanamo and in their secret prisons
around the world is inimical to everything we believe as Christians
and must be brought to an immediate end. The overwhelming approval
of Senator McCain’s legislation in the House and Senate shows
that Mr. Bush and his advisors were the last holdouts supporting
this assault on this most fundamental of human sensibilities. Their
reversal on the veto threat will not be credible until they come
out and admit that they previously sanctioned torture, and have
had a true change of heart. Sunday,
Dec 18, 2005
Falsifying the case
for War in Iraq:
Bush defends aide who lied
to protect Cheney
President Bush
spoke publicly after Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald announced five
indictments of Vice-President Cheney’s closest aide for lying
and obstruction of justice. Mr. Bush said, “Scooter (Libby)
has worked tirelessly on behalf of the American people and sacrificed
much in the service to this country. He served the vice president
and me through extraordinary times in our nation's history.”
Nowhere in his remarks was any reflection of the fact that two years
ago he indicated that he wanted to “get to the bottom of this”
outing of CIA agent Valery Plame Wilson, and would personally hold
accountable anyone who was involved.
What is now
completely clear is that Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney themselves were
fully complicit from the beginning in the effort to humiliate their
critic, Joseph Wilson, and then falsely pleaded ignorance when this
issue threatened Mr. Bush’s reelection prospects. Like their
case for war in Iraq itself, their response to the Plame issue was
illustrative of their lack of reverence for the truth. The fact
that possibly hundreds of thousands of people have died as a result
of their dishonesty is what’s really at the heart of this
case.
The real tragedy
is that every Republican in Washington knew that the intelligence
was being overhyped to launch a war of greed in Iraq, and none raised
their voice in protest. Even now, many of them continue to defend
the killing in Iraq, the policies promoting torture (see
this week’s Washington Post editorial), and the
colonial-style exploitation of that country’s natural resources.
These actions are all anathema to Catholics and other people of
conscience.
Senator John
Kerry spoke for many when he said, “Today’s indictment
of the vice president’s top aide and the continuing investigation
of Karl Rove are evidence of White House corruption at the very
highest levels, far from the ‘honor and dignity’ the
president pledged to restore to Washington just five years ago.”
A Tale of Three Gulfs:
Exploiting the Gulf Coast to pay for the
Gulf War by expanding the gulf between rich and poor
The Catholic
Democrats have joined forces with religious leaders across
the country in calling on Congress to turn back from pending legislation
meant to punish the poor in America for the costs of the pending
Gulf Coast reconstruction. Rep. Roy Blunt and nearly 200 of his
Republican colleagues in the House have indicated their willingness
to gut Medicare (healthcare for the elderly and disabled) and Medicaid
(care for the poor), food stamps, and student loan programs in order
to pay for more than $100 billion of new tax cuts and the ongoing
budgetary black hole of the war in Iraq. The House leadership sought
to bypass the normal deliberative process and to rush through these
devastating and immoral budget cuts, but were forced to postpone
voting due to universal Democratic opposition.
Religious leaders
across the country have reacted with outrage. Presiding Episcopal
Bishop Frank Griswold issued a statement: "Congress and the
President must come together and focus on poverty that exists across
the nation, and not exacerbate poverty…Nothing could be clearer
in the Gospel than Jesus' identification with the poor. 'When
I was hungry you gave me food. When I was naked you clothed me,
sick you cared for me, truly I tell you, what you did for the least
of these, you did (it) for me.' And so for a nation to declare
itself under God and neglect the poor in its midst is tantamount
in my mind to blasphemy." At its recent meeting, the Executive
Council of the Episcopal Church in America passed a resolution calling
on Congress “to pass a budget that does not pit one group
in need against another and calls for more money overall to care
for the country's most vulnerable residents.”
The National
Council of Churches, representing Baptists, Friends, Evangelical
Lutherans, Greek Orthodox, and Presbyterians among others, issued
a statement: “As leaders of America's major faith communities,
we write to you at a moment of great moral urgency for our nation
when hundreds of thousands of our most vulnerable citizens are at
risk. We urge you to put aside partisan politics and pass a federal
budget that reflects the moral priorities of the wide majority of
Americans. We urge you to work for, not against, the common good
of all of America's citizens and not just a privileged few.”
At a time when
the Bush Administration is making threatening statements against
Iran and Syria, failing to offer any reassurance that they do not
intend permanent military occupation of Iraq, and initiating new
programs for the renewal of nuclear testing and the weaponization
of space, the idea of stealing funds from poor Americans to pay
for all this militarism is the height of immorality. As Catholics,
in support of our Church’s significant contributions to care
for the poor in America, we denounce efforts in Congress to rush
through legislation that mendaciously exploits the Gulf Coast hurricanes
to cut the social safety net for all those who have been confined
to or pushed into poverty by the economic policies of the current
administration.
Protesting the evil fruits of the
Bush utopianism: US forces responsible for most death, and continued
torture, in Iraq
People of many
faiths are gathering this weekend in Washington DC to protest the
ongoing killing in Iraq, with religious services on Sunday and lobbying
on Monday. A
new analysis has suggested that at least 45,000 Iraqi civilians
are now being killed each year. Despite press reports
playing up suicide bombings as the primary culprit for all the destruction
in Iraq, these calculations suggest that most deaths are still caused
directly by American military forces. With 600 traffic checkpoints
in Baghdad alone, and the doors kicked down on 2000 private Iraqi
homes a day, the daily life of average people in Iraq is unspeakably
grim. It is impossible for us as Americans to imagine ourselves
and our children living under these kinds of daily threats to our
lives and our mental health. But the astounding irony is that it
is being done by Americans, who pride themselves in being protectors
of civil rights, in the name of freedom from fear, which is unimaginable
for average Iraqis in the foreseeable future.
Attempts to
demonize the opposition have also come under new scrutiny. An
article in the Christian Science Monitor cites the
Center for Strategic International Studies (CSIS) for new findings
suggesting that US and Iraqi authorities have knowingly propagated
a “myth” that foreigners are fueling the Iraqi insurgency.
CSIS suggests that the true number is less than 10% of the estimated
30,000 insurgents. Meanwhile, new allegations have been published
of US Military abuse of prisoners in Iraq by officers of the 82nd
Airborne Division of the Army. Three former soldiers gave evidence
last week to Human Rights Watch and to Republican Senators John
Warner and John McCain alleging widespread use of blunt trauma with
the intent to break limbs, exposure to extremes of temperature,
and malicious sleep deprivation at “Camp Mercury” near
Falluja. President Bush’s well-calculated effort to paint
his torture policies as the result of “a few bad apples”
are now proving that it is George Appleseed himself who bears the
full moral responsibility for the inhumane treatment of these thousands
of people in their own country.
How can we as
Catholics tolerate the perpetuation of torture in our name; of killing
without end, for purposes of a heretofore unexplained Administration
imperative for permanent occupation of Iraq; of military adventurism
dedicated to maintaining an oil-based economy that is driving the
indisputable fact of global climate change, even as the number and
intensity of hurricanes around the world is spiraling upward? The
good men and women of the US Military have dutifully complied with
orders from the top, and our continued support for the civilian
leadership places moral responsibility for all the killing squarely
on our own shoulders. Are "preserving our way of life"
or "defending American credibility" reason enough to stay
one more day in Iraq? As St. Paul writes this weekend so beautifully
in Philippians 2, “Do nothing out of selfishness or out of
vainglory; rather, humbly regard others as more important than yourselves,
each looking out not for his own interests, but also for those of
others.”
24 Sept 2005
American casualties pile up in Iraq,
while we pay the price at home for ignoring global warming
Amidst the disaster of dueling hurricanes on the
Gulf Coast, the American public is increasingly numb to the ongoing
catastrophe in Iraq. US casualties surged past 1900 this week as
a result of another roadside bomb, and virtually unnoticed was the
destruction of another Iraqi city--Tal Afar, near the Syrian border.
How many civilians were killed there? How many people's homes and
livelihoods destroyed? Does anyone have any illusions that this
cycle of destruction will result in peace someday?
Meanwhile, little
noticed amidst President Bush’s rare mea culpas about
the federal response to Hurricane Katrina was an acknowledgement
of that most fundamental of Christian dogmas: we need each other.
Mr. Bush went to the United Nations last week with a desperate plea
for others to help the US in Iraq, and to thank all the nations
that had come to our assistance in responding to the hurricane.
It was a far cry from the unilateralist message brought by unconfirmed
Ambassador John Bolton, who sought last minute to ram through hundreds
of changes in the reform resolutions meant for the signatures of
all the world’s leaders.
Most particularly,
Mr. Bush was forced to repudiate one of his central strategic aims
of just two weeks ago, namely the neutralization of the Millennium
Development Goals to significantly impact world poverty. Mr. Bolton
had sought to eliminate all references to the MDGs, but Mr. Bush
ultimately reaffirmed them in general terms in his remarks to the
General Assembly. Remarkably, he said, “To spread a vision
of hope, the United States is determined to help nations that are
struggling with poverty. We are committed to the Millennium Development
goals. This is an ambitious agenda that includes cutting poverty
and hunger in half, ensuring that every boy and girl in the world
has access to primary education, and halting the spread of AIDS
-- all by 2015.”
The one huge
inconsistency is the Administration’s having sabotaged international
efforts to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Mr. Bush said
Thursday, “We must send a clear message to the rulers of outlaw
regimes that sponsor terror and pursue weapons of mass murder: You
will not be allowed to threaten the peace and stability of the world.”
This remark must be viewed currently as one of total hypocrisy,
as the US seeks to weasel out of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty,
to restart the production of fissile plutonium in Idaho, to design
a new generation of tactical nuclear weapons for first use on the
battlefield, and to plant such weapons in space. It is our responsibility
to take Mr. Bush at his word, and to prevent him from being “allowed
to threaten the peace and stability of the world” through
all these initiatives.
Otherwise, the sentiments now emerging from the
Administration this week offer a glimmer of Christian hope, from
this often values-free presidency: expressing remorse for hurting
people with federal disaster management policies; asking for help
and acknowledging our limitations, when he said, “The world
is more compassionate and hopeful when we act together”; finally,
recognizing that constructive solutions are more productive than
threats at accomplishing laudable goals. He dwelt at length on international
negotiations over farm subsidies, saying, “The United States
is ready to eliminate all tariffs, subsidies and other barriers
to free flow of goods and services as other nations do the same.
This is key to overcoming poverty in the world's poorest nations.
It's essential we promote prosperity and opportunity for all nations.
By expanding trade, we spread hope and opportunity to the corners
of the world, and we strike a blow against the terrorists who feed
on anger and resentment.”
After years
of belittling and hobbling the United Nations, Mr. Bush began his
remarks with the remarkable and unexpected words, “Thank you
for your dedication to the vital work and great ideals of this institution.”
Perhaps a light has finally appeared in Washington, as a public
policy of destruction stumbles briefly aside and for the moment
allows a new spirit of constructive thinking to enter in. The proof
will be found ultimately in how they back down from all the killing
in Iraq, and from the mindless talk of developing new generations
of nuclear and space-based weapons. Now that we've seen real threats
to our national security, in the form of this cavalcade of hurricanes
that must be related to global warming, the real test of national
leadership will be to stop killing for oil in Iraq and start conserving
energy to arrest global warming here at home.
21 September 2005
How
Sept 11 Might Have Been Remembered
It is the human
instinct to seek revenge. Thus after September 11, 2001, a stunned
country found itself in the thrall of a few politicians who played
to the nation's lowest instincts. Things could easily have been
different. A more mature political response might have been one
in which a president stood up and said that the United States would
not sucumb to fear and stoop to the methods of terrorists, but would
seek to use all of the tools of the modern age for the alleviation
of poverty and for the heightening of international understanding.
Such would have been the Christian response, as is made manifestly
clear in the Catholic scriptural readings
for September 11, 2005.
Instead, we
have witnessed four years of non-stop mutual recrimination and violence.
It is worth asking whether the invasion of Afghanistan, which most
everyone hailed as a logical consequence of Sept 11, has really
made us any safer. The largely unseen consequences include monumental
resurgence of heroin production, severe internecine violence, and
daily injury to US Military personnel. Meanwhile, the number of
international terrorist incidents has escalated four-fold since
the US invasion of Afghanistan. If we thought that taking over that
distant country would make us safer, we have been proven wrong.
The terrorists
have also won at a more personal level. The massive redirection
of financial and human resources away from problems like the protection
of New Orleans is a testament to how much bin Laden has changed
our lives. But more profoundly, our population has been hyped into
a sense of anxiety over terrorism not seen since the 1950s. Can
anyone truly say that the threats we face now as a nation match
those of the Cold War, when nuclear weapons constantly targeted
all our major cities?
The wholesale
exploitation of Sept 11 to justify the invasion and occupation of
Iraq, with the hundreds of thousands of deaths and the resultant
catastrophe of psychological injury to the children and adults there,
is yet again a validation of Jesus' central message that violence
begets only violence. There was a time when American presidents
were embarrassed to wear their Christianity on their sleeve. They
recognized that the perceived need to use violence in service of
the national interest created an intrinsic contradiction with allegiance
to Jesus' command of love toward our enemies. Now we have an Administration
which, under the cover of the Christian name, has made violence
its raison d'etre.
As we remember
those innocent souls who lost their lives four years ago, let us
also remember the more than one hundred people who have since died
in the name of each victim of September 11. May
we have the courage to awaken as a nation to the realization in
Christ's name that the only path to "national security"
is, in the words of Pope John Paul II, "War no more."
No nation state can hope to achieve this perfection to which Jesus
has called us, but all Christians should be able to agree that we
should be part of the solution and not the devil at the heart of
the problem.
Why are the loudest Catholic
voices in the Supreme Court fight from the least Catholic wing of
our Church?
The death of
Chief Justice William Rehnquist is guaranteed to heighten the culture
war among an evenly divided electorate. With religious issues at
the heart of much of the Supreme Court controversy, it is fascinating
how much bile tinges the accusations of both sides—but particularly
those who fashion themselves to be more religious by dint of their
membership in the Republican Party. Election polling last year suggested
that frequent church attenders among Catholics were more likely
to be Republican supporters. This has been taken to mean that someone
wearing the “faithful Catholic” label, such as Judge
John Roberts, will faithfully reinforce the Republican agenda. The
Catholic vote is so important to future Republican political success,
don’t be surprised if the nominee to replace Justice Sandra
Day O'Connor is a Catholic woman.
But are “faithful
Catholics” truly faithful to our Catholicism? A new study
in the journal Foreign Affairs indicates that church attendance
is among the strongest single predictors of whether someone supports
the Bush War in Iraq, despite our late Pope’s having labeled
this conflict “a defeat for humanity.” Gallup polling
data also suggests strong support among this group for the death
penalty, with 60% of practicing Catholics in favor of it. Catholic
women are 40% more likely to seek abortions compared to Protestant
women, according to data published in 1999, despite the Bishops’
fervent opposition to abortion. We clearly have a tremendous amount
of work to do among ourselves with regard to discovering the central
tenet of our faith: that Jesus preached exclusively a gospel of
love and self-sacrifice.
Defenders of
the use of violence, like the Heritage Foundation-affiliated Catholic
League, will argue that we need more violence-accomodating people
(like them) on the Supreme Court. The jury is still out in this
regard on Judge Roberts, who in his last Appellate Court decision
enabled the sham trials that are about to commence under military
auspices at Guantanamo Bay. Conservative Catholics may hope for
someone who shares their harsh and simplistic view of abortion,
but will these nominees have the strength of character to combat
all the other occasions where fellow Catholics continue to advocate
elements of a culture of death? Will they have the courage to stand
up to the cruelty of the death penalty, which society imposes almost
exclusively on those who cannot afford legal representation? Will
they have the courage to compel the Bush Administration to end its
policies of hiding tortured detainees from Congress and from the
Red Cross? Will they have the courage to hold the Federal Government
accountable for its vast underfunding of special education across
the country?
The simultaneous
replacement of Chief Justice Rehnquist compels us to ask some truly
important questions of both nominees, in the wake of the dramatically
consequential Bush v Gore decision over which Rehnquist presided.
Regardless of one’s political stripe, we must all agree that
decision-making cannot be allowed that dispenses with the central
principal of the Court’s authority, namely the requirement
that they provide a meaningful and generalizable rationale for their
decisions (missing in Bush v Gore). “Because we say so”
simply isn’t good enough. In Bush v Gore, the Court never
explained why it had the jurisdiction to stop the vote counting
in Florida. The criminal conflict of interest of one justice, himself
a Catholic whose wife was an employee of the Bush Campaign, has
never been addressed by this Court.
Deciding the
Florida election for Mr. Bush in a 5-to-4 decision turned out to
be one of mammoth consequences, in its empowerment of the advocates
of violence who have brought us hundreds of thousands of deaths
in Iraq. Now we are faced with the prospect of possibly hundreds
or thousands of deaths in New Orleans because of the absence of
needed National Guard troops (many in Iraq) that would have evacuated
all the hospitals and poor neighborhoods there after the flood.
It is hard to escape the conclusion that the five Supreme Court
justices who put Mr. Bush in office in 2000 bear significant responsibility
for ignoring the law of unintended consequences that has led to
all these deaths.
Pope John Paul
II said just before the launching of the failed Bush War in Iraq,
"Violence and arms can never resolve the problems of man."
We really will have accomplished something if we end up with two
new Supreme Court justices who could ratify a judgement like that.
Sept 7, 2005
Pat Robertson, President
Bush, and the meaning of our Christianity
At some level,
all Christians understand that God is love. This is why the Rev.
Pat Robertson, granted special authority to speak on matters of
religion, made news with his televised remarks last month calling
for the murder of the democratically elected leader of Venezuela.
The loudest voices in American religion, the Heritage Foundation-associated
Catholic League and Focus on the Family, were completely silent
on this opportunity to explore the central imperative of our Christian
faith—the call to love, rather than to hate.
Somehow it seems
fitting that the Administration’s response has been a similar
collective eye-rolling rather than rejection. The White House website
says nothing. Mr. Bush and his press secretary have not commented
on the matter. A State Department spokesman merely labeled Mr. Robertson’s
remarks “inappropriate.” Secretary Donald Rumsfield
responded to them by saying, “Certainly it’s against
the law. Our department doesn’t do that type of thing.”
The fact of
the matter, however, is that Mr. Robertson and Mr. Bush share an
advocacy for assassination. Mr. Bush's press secretary called in
October 2002 for killing Saddam Hussein, stating, "Regime change
is welcome in whatever form that it takes." In November that
year, Mr. Bush assassinated an American citizen and five other people
in their car in Yemen, using a CIA drone-fired missile. On March
19, 2003 Mr. Bush ordered a cruise missile assassination attempt
against Hussein and his family, which was unsuccessful. Thus, Secretary
Rumsfield’s remarks this week about targeted killing were
false; add possibly hundreds of thousands of civilian casualties
in Iraq, and killing that putatively advances US petroleum interests
appears to have become official US policy. Like the Middle East,
Venezuela currently provides a significant chunk of US oil imports,
and Mr. Bush's distaste for Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez is
well-known.
In the final analysis,
Mr. Bush and Mr. Robertson are both ‘ends-justify-the-means’
Christians, perfectly comfortable with violence and killing when
it suits their purposes. But as the Biblical scholar John L. McKenzie
wrote, “No reader of the New Testament, simple or sophisticated,
can retain any doubt of Jesus’ position toward violence directed
to persons, individual or collective, organized or free enterprise:
He rejected it.”
Pope Benedict
spoke in a German synagogue last month about “neo-paganists”
who purported to follow Christianity, but had no qualms about killing.
The anguished cry of a Cindy Sheehan and 1900 other American families
will help us to clarify our thinking regarding the faulty notion
that launching wars is the way to solve our problems. But perhaps
we need the Robertsons of the world to reveal the hypocrisy that
now prevails, and to put the Christ back into Christianity on this
most central issue: the value of every life.
Click
here for more information about one Catholic's stuggle to overcome
the senselessness of her son's death in Iraq
New Republican initiative to block
Administration torture policies
One of the most
stunning political realities of the past five years has been the
voting cohesion of the Republican ranks in both the House and Senate
at a time of truly radical change in the direction of our government.
Despite the self-destructive nature and intellectual weakness of
so many Bush initiatives—the ‘war on terror’ that
makes everyone feel less safe and the private accounts campaign
to ‘save Social Security’ that almost completely defunds
it, to name two—a whole generation of Republican legislators
have gamely signed on.
Finally, a glimmer
of conscience on the Republican political landscape: Senators Arlen
Specter (R-PA), John Warner (R-VA), Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and John
McCain (R-AZ) have proposed amendments to a $442 billion Defense
Appropriation Bill in an effort to force the Administration to change
course on its torture policies around the world. Senator McCain,
a former POW who endured years of torture in Vietnam, has announced
his intention to establish legislative standards for the treatment
of detainees in order to prevent torture. Senator Graham has been
working to define the legal status of enemy combatants being held
in Guantanamo so that they cannot be imprisoned and tortured indefinitely
without legal due process. Perhaps most importantly, Senator Specter
has led efforts to bar the holding of "ghost" detainees
whose names are not disclosed to Congress or to international human
rights agencies.
Vice President
Cheney rushed last month to Capitol Hill to try and quash this effort,
and threatened to have Mr. Bush veto the whole appropriations bill
rather than submit the Administration to rules of law governing
the use of torture. Their position on this issue was further illustrated
by a hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee on the nomination
of Timothy Flanigan to be the second ranking official in the Justice
Department. He and Attorney General Alberto Gonzales helped author
the Administration’s policies on the treatment of detainees
prior to the Iraq invasion. Mr. Flanigan was asked about a Bush
memo from their Office of Legal Counsel at the White House, which
very narrowly defined torture as being only those practices that
cause “death, organ failure or the permanent impairment of
a significant body function.” He said he was reluctant to
comment on whether several techniques, including near-drowning and
mock executions, should be proscribed or even whether they represented
torture.
Even senior
military lawyers were opposed to these kinds of practices, according
to new documents released this week. They warned in early 2003 that
the torture policies outlined by an Administration legal task force
could ultimately result in international prosecution of Army personnel
for war crimes. The judge advocate general (JAG) of the Air Force
advised the task force that the “more extreme interrogation
techniques, on their face, amount to violations of domestic criminal
law,” according to an account in the NY Times.
Meanwhile,
Sen. Carl Levin (D-MI) and other Democrats have been pushing for
an independent commission to examine the Defense Department’s
and CIA’s ongoing use of torture around the world, an effort
that has caused cataplexy in the Bush Administration.
In a week that
saw the Administration finally win congressional approval of its
Energy Bill, handing over billions in tax incentives to oil companies,
the real reasons for the War in Iraq and the permanent US occupation
there came into further sharp focus. As Bob
Herbert wrote last week on the New York Times Op-Ed page, “It’s
the oil, stupid!” Approaching 1800 US military deaths, the
struggle to control Iraq’s oil reserves is increasingly being
played out against a backdrop of stunning $60-per-barrel runaway
profits by the oil companies. The ConocoPhillips Company, for example,
announced this week that its second quarter profits had soared 51%,
with a 34% increase in revenues over the same period last year.
As Catholics,
we are called to stand up to the prizing of wealth over individual
life. This week marked the first meeting of the Catholic
Democrats of Pennsylvania, and it was not lost on all those
in attendance that their senior Senator Specter has become a ray
of hope, while their Catholic junior Senator Santorum continues
marching in lock step with the pro-violence policies of Mr. Bush.
That Senators Specter, Warner, McCain and Graham have finally said
‘enough’ to the wholly unconscionable torture policies
of this Administration is cause for a little celebration at this
critical political moment for all people of conscience.
6
August 2005
Moving beyond Roe v Wade
in the debate over a new Supreme Court Justice
President Bush
has nominated Judge John G. Roberts Jr., a Catholic, to replace
Justice Sandra O’Connor on the Supreme Court. Judge Roberts
attended a Catholic high school in Indiana and completed his undergraduate
studies at Harvard in 1976, graduating summa cum laude
in just three years. He was an honors graduate of Harvard Law School,
clerked under Justice Rehnquist, and worked in the Reagan Administration.
His nomination is sure to be opposed by progressive groups because
of a legal brief he signed in 1991 as Deputy Solicitor General under
the elder President Bush. "We continue to believe that Roe
v. Wade was wrongly decided and should be overruled," said
the brief, which argued in favor of a regulation banning abortion-related
counseling by federally-funded family planning programs.
The spotlight
will certainly be intensely focused on the issue of the legality
of abortion in America in general, and the sustainability of Roe
v Wade in particular. We believe this is an utter mistake, both
for conservatives and for liberals. Those people who have made overturning
Roe the litmus test for the morality of one’s stance on abortion
have vastly overstated the effect this ruling has had on abortion
rates in America. Not even accounting for speculative estimates
of the number of illegal abortions that occurred prior to 1973,
the national abortion rates now (16/1000 women/year in 2001 according
to the CDC) are lower than they were prior to Roe v Wade. One study
has estimated that there were 829,000 illegal or self-induced abortions
in the US in 1967 alone; the total legal abortions in 2002 were
1.29 million, with a population that was 40% larger. Overturning
Roe is no Holy Grail when it comes to decreasing abortion in America.
Studies on abortions
in Mississippi, which has among the most restrictive laws in the
country and only a single abortion provider, have shown that the
overall number of Mississippi women having abortions has remained
unchanged. Such laws appear simply to have resulted in 60% of that
state’s women seeking abortions out-of-state. With the dramatic
increases in non-surgical abortions in recent years (up 173% between
2000 and 2001, according to the CDC), any effort to outlaw abortion
will likely result in substantial numbers of these procedures being
done illegally with drugs like misoprostol that can be produced
for pennies and sold for hundreds or thousands of dollars on the
black market. No one disputes how poorly federal and state governments
have succeeded in combating the use of illegal drugs in the United
States.
In other words
overturning Roe v Wade, with an anticipated change in a few state
laws making abortions illegal, may have no effect on the number
of abortions in America. It would serve primarily to give some social
conservatives the satisfaction of knowing that “someone was
being punished” for abortion—with substantial costs
in maternal deaths, induced birth defects, and penal system dollars
expended—without actually doing anything to reduce or stop
the practice. There is no theological basis for using the threat
of state power to impose a solution to any moral problem. Jesus
never advocated using the coercive power of the state to accomplish
what each of us must do in our own hearts.
Many Democrats
who care both about the wellbeing of women and of their babies have
been suckered into believing that Republican leaders are really
opposed to abortion. A recent Guttmacher report begins, “With
an Administration deeply opposed to abortion…” (http://www.alanguttmacher.org/pubs/ib_5-03.pdf),
indicating an assumption that appears to have no basis in fact.
The stated Republican opposition to abortion appears to
be strictly tactical and rhetorical. Careful analysis of
the four major pieces of legislation passed during the Bush years
shows that none has had any measurable effect on abortion rates
in the United States. The Administration has done no studies to
understand why women choose to end their pregnancies. The data gathered
by the CDC are typically almost three years late, poorly funded
and incompletely gathered, and routinely released with no press
coverage the night before the Thanksgiving holiday. This Administration
fears that people will recognize what a straw man their expressed
opposition to abortion really is. If anything, the evidence
suggests that the Republican leadership is addicted to the dollars
and political polarity that the abortion debate brings, and have
a vested interest in never seeking any real solutions to the problem.
The rapid declines
in abortion incidence during President Clinton’s Administration
were almost certainly a consequence of three factors: changing sexual
practices in the era of HIV-transmission, the improved economic
status of women, and changing social mores regarding abortion. These
declines have substantially slowed under President Bush, according
to new data published this summer by the Guttmacher Institute (http://www.alanguttmacher.org/media/nr/2005/05/19/index.html).
Furthermore, analysis published by the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention last Thanksgiving (http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss5309a1.htm)
have shown an increase in teenage abortions in the US during the
first year of the Bush Administration.
Democratic Party
Chairman Howard Dean said at the 2005 Massachusetts Democratic Convention,
“I don’t know anyone who is pro-abortion.” As
Catholics, advocating for both children and the parents who bear
and raise them, we are working with Chairman Dean to construct a
legislative and social program that truly does address the problem
of abortion. Perhaps the debate over Judge Roberts’ confirmation
will help clarify how little the Republicans have done, by focusing
exclusively on Roe v Wade, to address the angst that many people
of conscience—perhaps especially we Catholics—feel about
the continuing high rates of abortion in America. Perhaps it’s
too much to hope that additionally there will come a new appreciation
of how little our society does to support young mothers today.
Senator Santorum equates ideology
with morality, and demonstrates how far some Republicans will go
to exploit our Church
Catholic Senator
Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, responding to questions from a reporter,
repeated remarks he made three years ago attacking the people of
Boston, and its universities in particular, for a supposed role
in the national child abuse crisis that came to wide attention in
2002. A fellow Catholic, Senator Edward Kennedy, responded on the
floor of the Senate by stating the obvious, namely that the aggressiveness
of the people of Massachusetts in responding to this problem was,
if anything, a tribute to their moral rectitude.
Senator Santorum
responded to these remarks somewhat immaturely, saying, “I
am for proper formation, something I would challenge Sen. Kennedy
to be for. Proper orthodox formation within the teachings of the
Vatican. I don't think Sen. Kennedy would follow that very closely.”
Ignoring what Senator Kennedy had actually said, Mr. Santorum added,
“I don't think Ted Kennedy lecturing me on the teachings of
the church and how the church should handle these problems is something
I'm going to take particularly seriously.”
The sum total of Senator Santorum's claim to fealty to the Vatican
lies in his repeated assertion that overturning Roe v. Wade is the
only moral response to abortion. Few people yet realize how demonstrably
false this assertion is, given that the national abortion rate has
now declined (primarily during the Clinton Administration) to levels
at or below those prevalent prior to the Roe v. Wade decision. On
virtually every other issue that has been addressed by the US Conference
of Catholic Bishops, Senator Santorum is hostile to Catholic teaching--on
the death penalty, on our obligation to care for the sick, on the
war in Iraq, on world poverty, and on the subject of personal greed
in American tax policy. Senator Kennedy, in contrast, has been a
lifelong champion on behalf of Catholics and all Americans with
regard to these crucial life issues.
Below are
Senator Kennedy's remarks in response to the comments of Senator
Santorum and his spokesman:
Rick Santorum
owes an immediate apology to the tragic, long-suffering
victims of sexual abuse and their families in Boston, in Massachusetts,
in
Pennsylvania and around this country. His outrageous and offensive
comments – which
he had the indecency to repeat yesterday – blamed the people
of Boston for the
depraved behavior of sick individuals who stole the innocence of
children in
the most horrible way imaginable.
Senator Santorum
has shown a deep and callous insensitivity to the victims
and their suffering in an apparent attempt to score political points
with some
of the most extreme members of the fringe right wing of his Party.
Boston
bashing might be in vogue with some Republicans, but Rick Santorum’s
statements
are beyond the pale.
Three years
ago, Senator Santorum said “While it is no excuse for this
scandal, it is no surprise that Boston, a seat of academic, political
and cultural
liberalism in America, lies at the center of the storm.” When
given an
opportunity to apologize yesterday, he refused and instead restated
these
outrageous statements. The people of Boston are to blame for the
clergy sexual
abuse? That statement is irresponsible, insensitive and inexcusable.
Rick
Santorum should join all Americans in celebrating the accomplishments
of the
people of Boston.
Apparently Senator
Santorum has never heard of the enormous contributions of
our universities and industries to our quality of life, our economic
strength, and our national security.
Harvard and
MIT have produced 98 Nobel laureates whose work has made an
enormous difference to America's strength.
Their graduates
contribute to industries, to government, to our communities
throughout the nation and the world. In fact, only a quarter of
MIT's
graduates remain in New England.
Their research
keeps our nation secure. The Pentagon, the CIA, the
military, the Energy Department, the Veterans Administration, all
turn to MIT and
Harvard for the technologies and strategies to protect our nation
from those who
would hurt us.
And their research
into cancer, children's health, housing, community
development, and so many issues continues to make an enormous difference
to the
well-being and health of our children and families.
More than a
dozen current U.S. Senators were educated in Boston. Senator
Frist was trained as a heart surgeon at Harvard Medical School.
Senator Dole
went to Harvard Law. Senator Alexander went to Harvard’s School
of
Government. Surely, my honorable colleagues wouldn’t go to
a school that is somehow
contributing to the downfall of America? No. They went to a worldwide
leading institution to prepare them for incredible careers of service
and
leadership.
Senator Santorum’s
self righteousness also fails to take into account the
enormous amount of good will the people of Boston demonstrate for
the less
fortunate.
They started
the Massachusetts Childhood Hunger Initiative, working with
leaders in 20 low-income communities to end hunger among our children.
Boston's Children's
Hospital has been ranked first in the nation every year
for the past decade in its care and concern for sick children.
The quality
of life for Boston and its families is rated third in America.
Massachusetts has the lowest divorce rate in the nation.
Massachusetts
ranks in the top ten states in the nation when it comes to
addressing the needs of at risk and vulnerable children, including
our efforts
to address low birth weight babies, teen homicides, high school
dropout rates,
and other challenges to our children. Pennsylvania does not rank
in the top
ten.
Boston gave
birth to America's liberty. The values that sparked our
Revolution continue to inspire Bostonians today - love of freedom,
dedication to
country, and concern for our fellow citizens.
The men and
women of Boston have served honorably in our armed forces. They
have fought and died for our country, so that their children might
live in
freedom and opportunity.
The abuse of
children is a horrible perversion and a tragic crime, and I am
proud that the good people of Boston and Massachusetts were leaders
in coming
forward, shedding light and demanding accountability for this devastating
violation of children. Sadly, the sexual abuse of children is a
problem
throughout the world, and it is not confined in any way to members
of the clergy or
to one city or one town. Every state in the country has reported
child
sexual abuse, including Pennsylvania.
On behalf of
all of the victims of abuse and the people of Boston and
Massachusetts, I ask that he retract his unfounded statements and
apologize. I
think the families of Massachusetts were hurt just as much by this
terrible
tragedy as the families of Pennsylvania. Abuse against children
is not a liberal
or conservative issue. It’s a horrific and unspeakable tragedy.
Sadly, it
happens in every state of this great nation – red states and
blue states, in
the north and in the south, in big cities and small. The victims
of child
sexual abuse have suffered enough already, and Senator Santorum
should stop
making a bad and very tragic situation worse.
An eye for an eye until the whole
world is blind, says Bush to the FBI about the London bombings
The bombings
in London have revealed once again how far removed the Rove/Cheney/Bush
Administration is philosophically from the Christian creed to which
so many of their supporters want to be devoted. Mr. Bush made remarks
the beginning of this week in Quantico, Virginia that made clear
how little he respects Jesus’ message of love for friends
and enemies. Mr. Bush said, “These kind of people who blow
up subways and buses are not people you can negotiate with, or reason
with, or appease. In the face of such adversaries there is only
one course of action: We will continue to take the fight to the
enemy, and we will fight until this enemy is defeated.”
In other words,
there is no use trying to reach out to aggrieved peoples in the
Middle East and beyond, who have had their petroleum resources excavated
by companies and governments that provide so little to the common
people in those parts of the world. The words of Mr. Bush’s
speech writers are meant to reinforce a perception of insanity and
total evil on the part of the adversary, thus supporting the Administration’s
policy of pursuing more killing in more countries rather than understanding
and responding to root causes.
Mr. Bush added,
“The terrorists remain dangerous, but from the mountains of
Afghanistan to the border regions of Pakistan, to the Horn of Africa,
and to the islands of the Philippines, our coalition is bringing
our enemies to justice, and bringing justice to our enemies. We
will keep the terrorists on the run until they have no place left
to hide.” The problem is evident in the words written for
him: violence in all these places, which seems to be spreading further
every year, represents the most predictable of human responses.
Violence begets violence. The United States is far less safe now
than it was before the invasion of Iraq. As widely reported, Iraq
has become a training ground for those who hate the US, in a way
it never was prior to the invasion.
Jesus got this
one right. In the Sermon on the Mount, he said, “It is not
those who say ‘Lord, Lord’ that enter into the Kingdom
of heaven, but those who do the will of my Father.” (Matthew
7:21). And what is the Father’s will? “Love one another
as I have loved you.” (John 13:34). Even the pragmatists among
us must now accede that Jesus’ advice is also the practical
solution to our problems in the Middle East. Prime Minister Tony
Blair acknowledged as much in his remarks to Parliament contemporaneous
to Mr. Bush’s speech to the FBI. Mr. Blair sought conciliation
with the Muslim world. He recognized that bombings like those in
the London transport system cannot be stopped with intimidation
and more killing in Iraq.
As Catholic
Christians, we have a duty to tell the truth and to remind the world
that one cannot claim to be a Christian while denying the central
tenet of our faith. But even at a practical level, as long as the
cycle of hatred is fueled by Manichean extremists like Rove, Cheney
and Bush, the suffering will not only continue but will expand.
12 July 2005
Amidst Tragedy in Britain, an Impetus
for Hope in Dealing with World Poverty and Environmental Destruction
Horrific bombings
during London's morning rush hour serve to emphasize again how the
innocents are victimized by those who seek to solve the world's
problems with violence. To his credit, Mr. Tony Blair has been hosting
a G8 Summit in Scotland dedicated to addressing two of the world's
most compelling problems: poverty in Africa and global warming,
man-made disasters that threaten the wellbeing of all humanity.
Sadly, the headlines coming from Scotland emphasize how Mr. Bush
has sought to thwart consensus on both these pressing issues.
The Bush Administration
had made a good start in dealing with the AIDS disaster in Africa,
budgeting up to $3 billion per year to help dull the suffering there.
But if recent history is any indicator, this Administration will
react to the bombings in London not by seeking constructive ways
to move the world away from conflict, but by seeking to budget even
more money for "military solutions." In the wake of the
bombings, the New York Times quoted Mr. Bush as saying, "The
contrast couldn't be clearer between the intentions and the hearts
of those of us who care deeply about human rights and human liberty,
and those who kill, those who have got such evil in their hearts
that they will take the lives of innocent folks. The war on terror
goes on." His answer to the killing is to carry on with more
killing, and to do it in the name of human rights and human liberty.
Bishop Thomas
Gumbleton, a heroic champion of Christianity's central tenet of
non-violent love for friends and enemies, spoke to this issue again
last Sunday. Excerpts of his homily follow, taken from the website
of the National Catholic Reporter (http://www.nationalcatholicreporter.org/peace).
Our scriptures
today (Matthew 10:37-42) continue what we began to reflect on last
week, that is, what it means to be a disciple of Jesus, what it
means to be called to carry out the work, the mission of Jesus and
to transform our world into as close an image of the reign of God
as possible. It's very challenging to be a disciple, to be one of
those Jesus calls to carry on his works.
I thought for
our reflection today, I might use as a framework part of the United
States Catholic Conference of Bishops' pastoral letter from 1983,
which you may remember was called "The Challenge of Peace:
God's Promise and Our Response." In the fourth section of that
letter, which we called "The Pastoral Challenge and Response,"
there is a very clear description of what it means, or should mean
at least, for any of us if we want to follow Jesus and be his disciple.
First of all,
this passage reminds all of us who we are in the church. The church
is not just an institution. It's not just a huge international organization.
It's a community of people, a community of disciples. After describing
the church this way the bishops say, "In the following pages
we should like to spell out some of the implications of being a
community of Jesus' disciples." Then they point out a special
thing: "In a time when our nation is so heavily armed with
nuclear weapons and is engaged in a continuing development of new
weapons together with strategies for their use ..." So we're
being asked to look at ourselves as disciples of Jesus at this moment
in human history, as citizens of the United States, a nation heavily
armed. The armaments of our nation get larger and larger all the
time. What does it mean to be a disciple in that situation?
Then Jesus says
-- and this can be very challenging -- "Anyone who loves their
father or mother more than they love me isn't worthy of me. If you
love your son or daughter more than me you're not worthy of me."
What he's telling us is that for his disciples, Jesus has to come
first. You know, in Luke's translation it even says you must "hate"
your father or mother or you're not worthy. Well, that's really
not correct. Matthew's translation is better: you must put Jesus
first. When I think about this, especially in the context cited
by the bishops in that pastoral letter -- here we are in a nation
heavily armed with nuclear weapons and plans to develop more of
them and plans to use them -- what have we put first? Do we really
put Jesus first or do we love or nation, our fatherland, our motherland
more than we love Jesus?
Think about
the war we've been engaged in for, I would say, since 1991 because
it has been all one violent attack against Iraq since January of
1991. Before this second Persian Gulf War the bishops of the United
States, the pope in Rome, bishops in Europe, all said this war could
not be just, can't be just if you preempt. You're not under attack.
You choose to attack. What happens after the war starts? We don't
hear that anymore. Now it's, "Get behind our troops. Get behind
our government." Whom do we love more? Jesus? Or do we have
an exaggerated sense of nationalism, loving our nation and our government
more than we love Jesus?
This is a very
challenging part of Jesus' call. We must put Jesus first -- his
words, his teachings. Our president tells us we're going to wage
a war against terrorism, and we're going to win that war, and it's
going to go on indefinitely. Can we continue to follow that leadership
when Jesus says so clearly if you want peace work for justice. "If
you want peace," John Paul II said, "it has to be built
on the pillars of justice and love." Not on violence and killing.
Who are we going to follow? Are we going to listen to Jesus and
be faithful disciples or do we love our nation and our government
more and follow them?
Then Jesus tells
us, "If you want to be my disciple you must take up your cross
and follow me." And in the pastoral letter the bishops say,
"To set out on the road to discipleship is to dispose one's
self for a share in the cross, and we must regard as normal even
the path of persecution and the possibility of martyrdom."
Imagine! To be a disciple of Jesus you must set out on the path
of Jesus picking up your cross and accept as normal the path of
persecution and the possibility of martyrdom. Does that really happen?
Well, I remind
you of a woman in Brazil, who on Feb. 12 this year was shot to death.
Do you know why? Because she was proclaiming God's word and as the
pastoral says, "to become true disciples we have to be doers
of the words as well as proclaimers of the words." And that's
what she was. Sr. Dorothy Stang was her name. She was working in
one of the poorest parts of Brazil. She was helping people to get
titles for their land. She was helping them to form cooperatives.
She was helping them to do farming that enhances the environment
rather than destroy it. But there were people who were opposed to
her. They were the loggers and the cattlemen. They wanted that land
for themselves, a few people. She kept standing up to them, against
them, so she was shot to death on Feb. 12. To be a disciple of Jesus,
it's necessary to take up your cross, follow him, even if it means
on the path of persecution and martyrdom. Probably not many of us
are going to go that far on the path, but we have to really be committed
to proclaiming the word of Jesus, living the word of Jesus, doing
the word of Jesus no matter what the cost. That's what it means
to be a disciple of Jesus.
So this morning
as we reflect on this missionary discourse of Jesus, I hope -- and
the pastoral letter of the bishops suggests this too -- that the
call of Jesus is something very personal. You hear Jesus say, deep
in your own heart, "Follow me." It has to be a personal
call from Jesus. We have to open our hearts and our spirit to hear
that call from Jesus and I'm sure each of us will hear it, if we
open ourselves in prayer and listen. You will hear Jesus saying,
"Follow me." But then I hope also that we will have the
courage and conviction to say, "Yes, I will follow Jesus whatever
the cost. I will carry on his work to change our world into the
reign of God." In
the name of the father and of the son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.
Expect more killing in Iraq, says
Mr. Bush
Mr. Bush spoke
to the nation Tuesday night about the war in Iraq. He offered no
new solutions and he reaffirmed his belief that the best response
to hatred and violence is more hatred and violence. The most critical
questions remain unanswered: did the Bush Administration invade
this country in order to establish US control over Iraq’s
natural resources, and to transfer billions of dollars from US taxpayers
to selected military contractors? Again in these remarks, Mr. Bush
steadfastly refused to reassure Iraqis and the world that permanent
occupation is not his aim.
He again sought
to conflate his war in Iraq with the Al-Qaeda attacks on September
11, 2001. Five times he reiterated that killing people in Iraq was
necessary because of Iraq’s relationship to 9/11. It was as
if the 9/11 Commission and the Congressional inquiries hadn’t
long ago conclusively demonstrated that there was no relationship
between these conflicts. He said, “Iraq is the latest battlefield
in this war. Many terrorists who kill innocent men, women and children
on the streets of Baghdad are followers of the same murderous ideology
that took the lives of our citizens in New York and Washington and
Pennsylvania. There is only one course of action against them: to
defeat them abroad before they attack us at home.” No evidence
was offered that killing insurgents in Iraq makes Americans any
safer anywhere.
By seeking to
conflate all the enemies that Mr. Bush has made into followers of
a single irrational and hateful ideology, he has done what all invaders
through the ages have done: dehumanize the opponent and legitimize
killing them. He insisted, “We are fighting against men with
blind hatred and armed with lethal weapons who are capable of any
atrocity. They wear no uniform; they respect no laws of warfare
or morality. They take innocent lives to create chaos for the cameras.
They are trying to shake our will in Iraq, just as they tried to
shake our will on September 11, 2001.” Mr. Bush seemed to
forget the extent to which he had himself broken all the laws of
warfare and morality by unilaterally invading and occupying a country
that posed no imminent threat to the citizens of the United States,
despite the united and unprecedented protests of tens of millions
of people around the world.
He acknowledged
that his war had become a cause celebre for Arabs from
many nations, and that what started out as a quest to remove a single
foreign leader has now turned into a bellicose effort to take on
all comers. He said, “Our military reports that we have killed
or captured hundreds of foreign fighters in Iraq who have come from
Saudi Arabia and Syria, Iran, Egypt, Sudan, Yemen, Libya and others.”
The stunning thing that no one seems to acknowledge is that a willingness
of these opponents to leave the comfort of their homes and to die
signifies an extraordinary belief in the rightness of their cause.
Mr. Bush has repeatedly and explicitly ruled out any efforts by
our government to discern what these grievances might be. Why are
so many people clearly willing to surrender their lives with no
benefit to themselves, to redress their grievances against the occupying
power?
The key issue
seems clearly to be a perception that no true “transfer of
sovereignty” has occurred. The orders of US interim Administrator
Paul Bremer still preclude any litigation against American contractors
for the wrongful death of Iraqi citizens. Judging by Mr. Jaafari’s
responses at his joint news conference with Mr. Bush last week,
the Iraqi administration appears to view itself as completely dependent
on Mr. Bush’s military decisions and financial largesse. In
response to a question about timetables for withdrawal, Mr. Bush
said, “There's not going to be any timetables. I mean, I've
told this to the Prime Minister. We are there to complete a mission,
and it's an important mission.” The implication was that Mr.
Bush gives the orders, and Mr. Jaafari follows.
Does Mr. Bush
in fact intend permanent US occupation of Iraq? On this subject,
he said weakly, “Sending more Americans would suggest that
we intend to stay forever, when we are, in fact, working for the
day when Iraq can defend itself and we can leave.” This was
probably the largest intimation he’s ever offered that occupation
may not be permanent. But his actions betray his words, in the current
expansive construction of permanent US bases and the selective engagement
of US contractors to invest in the energy-harvesting infrastructure.
The investments of these US companies will not be abandoned anytime
soon.
From a Catholic
standpoint, the use of violence to accomplish any desireable end
is a violation of Jesus’ most fundamental teaching: “Love
your enemies.” When Mr. Bush states unequivocally, “We'll
fight them there, we'll fight them across the world, and we will
stay in the fight until the fight is won,” how can he possibly
square this attitude with Jesus’ unflinching rebuke to those
who kill, torture, and humiliate?
Many people
will respond to this faithful interpretation of Jesus’ words
as being impractical, in essence that God didn’t really know
what He was talking about when He told us to work our miracles with
love rather than coercion. We are told repeatedly that we are dependent
on the use of force for civilization to persist in our world. What
goes mostly unexplored is the question of whether the violent men
from whom we are being protected are any worse than those who currently
have the power and use violence to defend it.
29
June 2005
Who is my neighbor? Reaching
beyond our borders to achieve the Millennium Development Goals
As Catholics,
we are called to live first for the wellbeing of others. Particularly
because we are Americans, living in a land of plenty, our membership
in the Catholic faith community obligates us to look beyond our
borders to assist those who are suffering so gravely all over the
world. Jesus’ invocation in Matthew 25 compels us to look
into Africa and see our own sons and daughters in the faces of those
beset there by poverty and illness.
The director
of Catholic Democrats, Dr. Patrick Whelan, spoke last week at the
United Nations on the biology of human interdependence, and how
such an understanding obligates us to help attain the United Nations
Millennium Development Goals. These eight shared aims, endorsed
by the UN General Assembly last year, might well have come straight
out of the Gospels: they emphasize our shared responsibility to
meet the most basic of human needs for all God’s children:
1. Eradicate
extreme poverty & hunger
2. Universal primary education
3. Gender equality
4. Reduce child mortality
5. Improve maternal health
6. Combat HIV, malaria, other disease
7. Environmental sustainability
8. Global partnership for development
More information
is available at http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals.
Endorsing goals
like these is the kind of creative example that we as fathers and
mothers are called to set for our children. It almost goes without
saying that we must become exemplars of creativity in solving the
problems in our lives, and not be teaching our children by example
that violence or anger are acceptable means toward achieving a better
world.
The Millennium
Development Goals deserve our individual attention. Let us reaffirm
the notion of a stewardship in this world that magnifies the Lord,
rather than the pursuit of selfish aims that indiscriminately hurt
others in the process—to chose creative solutions over destructive
ones, life over death.
Republicans further advance their
control over the Catholic Church in America
On May 20, hundreds
of Republican loyalists gathered in Washington for the “Second
Annual National Catholic Prayer Breakfast." The event had the
aura of a mainstream affirmation of Catholic faith. Hidden just
beneath the surface, however, was the true aim of this assembly:
labeling the Republican political agenda as consonant with our Catholic
beliefs. Although there were vague references to defending children
before birth, none of the initiatives by the US Conference of Catholic
Bishops received any significant attention. Sr. Margaret Mary Jerousek
from the Little Sisters for the Poor spoke briefly about their important
work with the elderly. More important than what was said, however,
was the fact that there was no discussion of the wrongness of unilateral
invasion, no discussion of cutting US international food aid administered
by Catholic Relief Services, no discussion of state-sponsored killing
across America, and no discussion of Mr. Bush’s sabotaging
the British initiative to eliminate poverty in Africa.
It is not difficult
to understand the lure of power, which is as great for Catholics
as for any other religious group. This was a blatantly partisan
event, as demonstrated by the skewed membership of its board of
directors: Leonard Leo, former executive vice president of the Federalist
Society and head of "Catholic Outreach" for the Republican
National Committee; Jacqueline Halbig, who has served as government
relations representative for the Christian Coalition; Joseph Cella,
founder of a pro-Republican political action committee called the
“Ave Maria List”; Austin Ruse, a leading advocate for
making the pro-death penalty Antonin Scalia Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court; and Bill Saunders, an attorney affiliated with the
pro-Republican Family Research Council. Despite its highly partisan
nature, the organizers succeeded in luring several bishops and a
cardinal to participate.
There were many
honorable people in the audience, and Mr. Bush was the featured
speaker. He was saluted in an opening prayer by Washington Auxiliary
Bishop Martin Holley, who said, "In a very special way, we
pray for our most honored guest, our President, George W. Bush,
and for his many important works and great leadership that he provides
for our country."
Mr. Bush made
self-deprecating remarks that brought lots of laughter and applause.
He saluted Cardinal McCarrick and Pope Benedict. In a remarkably
subtle way, he defended his war in Iraq by saluting a Catholic chaplain
who had been injured there. Ironically, in the next breath he conflated
the nobility of the war in Iraq with his signature vague references
to life, presumably alluding to abortion, and suggesting that Pope
John Paul was on board with both. He said, “Catholics have
made sacrifices throughout American history because they understand
that freedom is a divine gift that carries with it serious responsibilities.
Among the greatest of these responsibilities is protecting the most
vulnerable members of our society. That was the message that Pope
John Paul II proclaimed so tirelessly throughout his own life.”
It was almost enough to make one forget that our dear late pope
condemned the barbarity of both the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent
systematic implementation by the Bush Administration of torture
there.
Neither Mr.
Bush, nor anyone else at the gathering, spoke about the horror of
American bombs exploding in the residential neighborhoods of Baghdad,
of children watching their parents gunned down at roadside checkpoints,
or of the Administration’s failure to fess up to responsibility
for the worldwide torture of detainees on its watch. Setting aside
Administration efforts to undermine Medicare, sabotage Social Security,
and expand use of the death penalty, Archbishop Charles Chaput offered
a view of Mr. Bush that seemed representative of the audience’s
feelings: “Americans re-elected President Bush because most
voters saw him, and see him, as a man of dedication and a leader
deserving of our respect.”
Archbishop
Chaput closed his remarks with a forceful invocation, “Only
God is God, and only Jesus is Lord. When our actions finally follow
our words, then so will our nation, and so will the world.”
But listening to Mr. Bush’s remarks, one couldn’t help
but wonder what it will take to reveal the very dishonesty of which
the Very Reverend Archbishop was speaking: offering words about
“protecting the most vulnerable members of our society,”
and then cutting their medical care. Proposing an initiative labeled
“Clear Skies,” and then undermining environmental regulations
and EPA funding in a way that has been projected to cause 20,000
excess deaths across the US each year. Speaking with respect about
the sacrifices of military personnel like Fr. Vakoc, but leaving
our troops in harm’s way on an infinite time horizon. Condemning
torture by “a few bad apples,” but then appointing the
architects of the torture policies to positions like Secretary of
Homeland Security, Attorney General, and Representative to the United
Nations.
Perhaps we
should start by recognizing the myriad ways that Republican operatives
are using our Church and our episcopal hierarchy to hide a legislative
agenda that might best be characterized as “the preferential
option for the rich,” at the expense of our country’s
fiscal health, America’s reputation in the world, and—oh
yes—the poor.
3 June 2005
Lawlessness becoming routine for
Bush Administration treatment of war prisoners
Amnesty International
released its annual report on human rights around the world, and
our US Government is specifically listed as a human rights abuser.
Using the term "gulag" to refer to the Guantanamo Bay
prison, where 500 men have been held for more than three years without
criminal charge, Amnesty has done what we as a Church have failed
to do: speak truth to power about abuses of human dignity at our
expense that no Christian or American citizen should tolerate. Only
the Red Cross has been granted access to these prisoners, but the
US Government has countless other people in custody around the world
in "secret locations" with no accountability to anyone.
If these prisoners are guilty of some wrong-doing, let our government
publicly accuse them of it and expose the charges to public scrutiny.
The wrongness
of what the our government is doing is further elevated by the false
premises under which it is being done. The release in Britain in
April of information showing that the American and British governments
had pledged to invade Iraq as early as April 2002 now makes it clear
that there was criminal intent on the part of these Administrations.
Before seeking any international input, before giving weapons inspectors
a chance, the Bush and Blair Administrations had determined that
certain self-interests were served by displacing the Iraqi government
and imposing Western control over the economy there. The further
release of British government legal counsel documents indicates
that Mr. Blair was informed that invading a sovereign country for
purposes of overthrowing its government was illegal under international
law. Mr. Kofi Annan had the courage to acknowledge the illegality
of this action last fall, and nearly lost his job for his honesty.
Anti-American
protests broke out across South Asia and into the Middle East in
May. Mr. Bush blamed them on a single short reference to defamation
of the Koran that appeared in Newsweek magazine. But similar accusations
have appeared in scores of periodicals over the past three years,
and the indignities visited on US prisoners' physical and emotional
wellbeing is now well-documented. The Administration may succeed
in scapegoating Newsweek for these protests, but the underlying
truth of the abuse of American power across the Middle East is not
going away anytime soon. These protests are only the beginning.
In our churchs,
millions of Americans earnestly pray for peace each week. We must
realize that we have it within our own power to answer those prayers
by holding the Bush Administration accountable for the abuses imposed
on those they have kidnapped (neither criminals, given the absence
of charges, nor acknowledged as prisoners of war), and the populations
all around the world from which these political prisoners come.
25 May 2005
"Faith, Hope and Love--these
three abide. But the greatest of these is Love." by
Marla Ruzicka (April 12th, 2005)
In my two years in Iraq, the one question I am asked the most is:
"How many Iraqi civilians have been killed by American forces?"
The American public has a right to know how many Iraqis have lost
their lives since the start of the war and as hostilities continue.
In a news conference
at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan in March 2002, Gen. Tommy Franks
said, "We don't do body counts." His words outraged the
Arab world and damaged the U.S. claim that its forces go to great
lengths to minimize civilian casualties.
During the Iraq
war, as U.S. troops pushed toward Baghdad, counting civilian casualties
was not a priority for the military. However, since May 1, 2003,
when President Bush declared major combat operations over and the
U.S. military moved into a phase referred to as "stability
operations," most units began to keep track of Iraqi civilians
killed at checkpoints or during foot patrols by U.S. soldiers.
Here in Baghdad,
a brigadier general commander explained to me that it is standard
operating procedure for U.S. troops to file a spot report when they
shoot a non-combatant. It is in the military's interest to release
these statistics.
Recently, I
obtained statistics on civilian casualties from a high-ranking U.S.
military official. The numbers were for Baghdad only, for a short
period, during a relatively quiet time. Other hot spots, such as
the Ramadi and Mosul areas, could prove worse. The statistics showed
that 29 civilians were killed by small-arms fire during firefights
between U.S. troops and insurgents between Feb. 28 and April 5 ?
four times the number of Iraqi police killed in the same period.
It is not clear whether the bullets that killed these civilians
were fired by U.S. troops or insurgents.
A good place
to search for Iraqi civilian death counts is the Iraqi Assistance
Center in Baghdad and the General Information Centers set up by
the U.S. military across Iraq. Iraqis who have been harmed by Americans
have the right to file claims for compensation at these locations,
and some claims have been paid. But others have been denied, even
when the U.S. forces were in the wrong.
The Marines
have also been paying compensation in Fallujah and Najaf. These
data serve as a good barometer of the civilian costs of battle in
both cities.
These statistics
demonstrate that the U.S. military can and does track civilian casualties.
Troops on the ground keep these records because they recognize they
have a responsibility to review each action taken and that it is
in their interest to minimize mistakes, especially since winning
the hearts and minds of Iraqis is a key component of their strategy.
The military should also want to release this information for the
purposes of comparison with reports such as the Lancet study published
late last year. It suggested that since the U.S.-led invasion there
had been 100,000 deaths in Iraq.
A further step
should be taken. In my dealings with U.S. military officials here,
they have shown regret and remorse for the deaths and injuries of
civilians. Systematically recording and publicly releasing civilian
casualty numbers would assist in helping the victims who survive
to piece their lives back together.
A number is
important not only to quantify the cost of war, but as a reminder
of those whose dreams will never be realized in a free and democratic
Iraq.
Marla Ruzicka was killed four days after writing this op-ed
piece, along with her close friend and colleague Faiez Ali Salem,
in a car bombing near Baghdad. As the founder of Campaign for Innocent
Victims in Conflict (CIVIC), she had worked with Senator Patrick
Leahy to help secure $20 million in funding to assist victims of
war in Afghanistan and Iraq. At her funeral Mass at St. Mary's Catholic
Church in Lakeport CA, she was repeatedly championed as a living
example of Jesus' commission to the unconditional love of friends
and enemies.
Contributions to Ms. Ruzicka's work can be made through
the CIVIC website.
"Everything falls apart without
truth."
Pope Benedict
XVI has been selected to lead our Church, and proclaim anew Jesus'
message of love for friends and enemies. He chose a name associated
with the striving for peace; Pope Benedict XV risked his Papacy
in efforts to reconcile all the combatants of World War I. The former
Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger of Germany has been a champion of resistance
against the forces of materialism that have sought to overtake Christian
spirituality.
The Pope famously
condemned in 1988 those who believe that Salvation can be attained
here on Earth, through violence and utopian schemes that emphasize
the principal that "the ends justify the means." In his
own words:
"Morality
does not lie in present existence but in the future. Man has to
fashion himself. The only moral value there is lies in the future
of society when we will get everything we do not have now. Morality
in the present consists in working for the sake of this future society.
The new standard of morality says, then: whatever serves the bringing
about of this new society is moral. And what serves it can be determined
by the scientific methods of political strategy, psychology, and
sociology. The ‘moral’ becomes the ‘scientific’:
morality no longer has a ‘phantom’ goal - heaven - but
a realisable phenomenon, the new age. In this way the moral and
the religious have become realistic and ‘scientific’.
Blessings upon
Pope Benedict as he leads our Church forward to a new recognition
of Christ's truth in this violent world.
19 April
2005
Centesimus
Annus
The Hundredth Year
John
Paul II
Encyclical Letter of Pope John Paul II (1991)
on the Hundredth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum, an encyclical
emphasizing the dignity of the worker
~~~
It is only when
hatred and injustice are sanctioned and organized by the ideologies
based on them, rather than on the truth about the human person,
that they take possession of entire nations and drive them to act.
Rerum Novarum opposed ideologies of hatred and showed how violence
and resentment could be overcome by justice. May the memory of those
terrible events guide the actions of everyone, particularly the
leaders of nations in our own time, when other forms of injustice
are fueling new hatreds and when new ideologies which exalt violence
are appearing on the horizon.
While it is
true that since 1945 weapons have been silent on the European continent,
it must be remembered that true peace is never simply the result
of military victory, but rather implies both the removal of the
causes of war and genuine reconciliation between peoples. For many
years there has been in Europe and the world a situation of non-war
rather than genuine peace. Half of the continent fell under the
domination of a Communist dictatorship, while the other half organized
itself in defense against this threat. Many peoples lost the ability
to control their own destiny and were enclosed within the suffocating
boundaries of an empire in which efforts were made to destroy their
historical memory and the centuries-old roots of their culture.
As a result of this violent division of Europe, enormous masses
of people were compelled to leave their homeland or were forcibly
deported.
An insane arms
race swallowed up the resources needed for the development of national
economies and for assistance to the less developed nations. Scientific
and technological progress, which should have contributed to man's
well-being, was transformed into an instrument of war: science and
technology were directed to the production of ever more efficient
and destructive weapons. Meanwhile, an ideology, a perversion of
authentic philosophy, was called upon to provide doctrinal justification
for the new war. And this war was not simply expected and prepared
for, but was actually fought with enormous bloodshed in various
parts of the world. The logic of power blocs or empires, denounced
in various Church documents and recently in the encyclical Sollicitudo
Rei Socialis, led to a situation in which controversies and disagreements
among Third World countries were systematically aggravated and exploited
in order to create difficulties for the adversary.
Extremist groups,
seeking to resolve such controversies through the use of arms, found
ready political and military support and were equipped and trained
for war; those who tried to find peaceful and humane solutions,
with respect for the legitimate interests of all parties, remained
isolated and often fell victim to their opponents. In addition,
the precariousness of the peace which followed the Second World
War was one of the principal causes of the militarization of many
Third World countries and the fratricidal conflicts which afflicted
them, as well as of the spread of terrorism and of increasingly
barbaric means of political and military conflict. Moreover, the
whole world was oppressed by the threat of an atomic war capable
of leading to the extinction of humanity. Science used for military
purposes had placed this decisive instrument at the disposal of
hatred, strengthened by ideology. But if war can end without winners
or losers in a suicide of humanity, then we must repudiate the logic
which leads to it: the idea that the effort to destroy the enemy,
confrontation and war itself are factors of progress and historical
advancement. When the need for this repudiation is understood, the
concepts of "total war" and "class struggle"
must necessarily be called into question.
Among the many
factors involved in the fall of oppressive regimes, some deserve
special mention. Certainly, the decisive factor which gave rise
to the changes was the violation of the rights of workers. It cannot
be forgotten that the fundamental crisis of systems claiming to
express the rule and indeed the dictatorship of the working class
began with the great upheavals which took place in Poland in the
name of solidarity. It was the throngs of working people which foreswore
the ideology which presumed to speak in their name. On the basis
of a hard, lived experience of work and of oppression, it was they
who recovered and, in a sense, rediscovered the content and principles
of the Church’s social doctrine.
Also worthy
of emphasis is the fact that the fall of this kind of "bloc"
or empire was accomplished almost everywhere by means of peaceful
protest, using only the weapons of truth and justice. While Marxism
held that only by exacerbating social conflicts was it possible
to resolve them through violent confrontation, the protests which
led to the collapse of Marxism tenaciously insisted on trying every
avenue of negotiation, dialogue, and witness to the truth, appealing
to the conscience of the adversary and seeking to reawaken in him
a sense of shared human dignity.
It seemed that
the European order resulting from the Second World War and sanctioned
by the Yalta Agreements could only be overturned by another war.
Instead, it has been overcome by the non-violent commitment of people
who, while always refusing to yield to the force of power, succeeded
time after time in finding effective ways of bearing witness to
the truth. This disarmed the adversary, since violence always needs
to justify itself through deceit, and to appear, however falsely,
to be defending a right or responding to a threat posed by others.
Once again I thank God for having sustained people s hearts amid
difficult trials, and I pray that this example will prevail in other
places and other circumstances. May people learn to fight for justice
without violence, renouncing class struggle in their internal disputes,
and war in international ones.
Recalling
a day 25 years ago when the Pope brought America closer to Christ,
as we look to the future of our Church
The coming of
spring in the Northern Hemisphere conveys new hope as we contemplate
the future of our Church. Pope John Paul II set a high standard
as a peacemaker, heroically standing up to the advocates of war,
torture, and indifference to the plight of the poor. One day 25
years ago, he brought to America a newly urgent sense of Christ's
message, which is more relevant than ever today.
In the autumn
of 1979, he stood on the Boston Common in a downpour, smiling and
bathed in light as he gave his impassioned homily from a brilliant
white stage in the darkness. People had camped on the Common the
night before to get the best places, many staking out their blankets
with little fences or ropes. Venders were everywhere selling all
manner of Pope-abilia, from buttons to portrait-bearing commode
covers. And then the most remarkable thing happened. The skies opened
up, and a downpour seemed to catch everyone by surprise. All the
venders disappeared, and all the blankets came up off the muddy
ground. People clustered together beneath the few umbrellas, and
suddenly the Pope appeared in his little car, rolling slowly and
serenely through the crowd.
His first words
were, "I greet you, America the beautiful." The crowd
screamed with delight. Hope filled the wet air, and everyone there
seemed so proud of both Catholicism and Christianity. The gospel
that day was from Matthew 19:13-22, the story of the young man who
had followed all the Commandments, but was discouraged at the prospect
of having to sell all he had in order to follow Christ. When the
Pope began his homily, he appealed specifically to the young people
in this university city and across America. He said, "The sadness
of the young man makes us reflect. We could be tempted to think
that many possessions, many of the goods of this world, can bring
happiness. We see instead in the case of the young man in the Gospel
that his many possessions had become an obstacle to accepting the
call of Jesus to follow him. He was not ready to say yes
to Jesus, and no to self, to say yes to love and
no to escape...In its precise eloquence this deeply penetrating
event expresses a great lesson in a few words. It touches upon substantial
problems and basic questions that have in no way lost their relevance.
Everywhere young people are asking important questions - questions
on the meaning of life, on the right way to live, on the scale of
values: 'What must I do…?' 'What must I do to
share in everlasting life?'… To each one of you I say
therefore: heed the call of Christ when you hear him saying to you:
'Follow me!' Walk in my path! Stand by my side! Remain in my love!
There is a choice to be made: a choice for Christ and his way of
life, and his commandment of love.'"
With a rhythmic
cadence which elicited ever increasing excitement, he exhorted the
crowd thick with college students to reject the selfishness of the
world and choose "the option of love." Repeatedly he uttered
the words, "Follow Christ!"
"You who
are married: share your love and your burdens with each other; respect
the human dignity of your spouses; accept joyfully the life that
God gives through you; make your marriage stable and secure for
your children's sake. Follow Christ! You who are single or who are
preparing for marriage. Follow Christ! You who are young or old.
Follow Christ! You who are sick or ageing, who are suffering or
in pain. You who feel the need for healing, the need for love, the
need for a friend - follow Christ!
"The message
of love that Christ brought is always important, always relevant.
It is not difficult to see how today's world, despite its beauty
and grandeur, despite the conquests of science and technology, despite
the refined and abundant material it offers, is yearning for more
truth, for more love, for more joy. And all of this is found in
Christ and in his way of life...It is part of your task in the world
and the Church to reveal the true meaning of life where hatred,
neglect or selfishness threaten to take over the world...Faced with
problems and disappointments, many people will try to escape from
their responsibility: escape in selfishness, escape in violence,
escape in indifference and cynical attitudes. But today, I propose
to you the option of love, which is the opposite of escape. If you
really accept love from Christ, it will lead you to God. Perhaps
in the priesthood or religious life; perhaps in some special service
to your brothers and sisters: especially to the needy, the poor,
the lonely, the abandoned, those whose rights have been trampled
upon, or those whose basic needs have not been provided for. Whatever
you make of your life, let it be something that reflects the love
of Christ."
In an era when
every statesman wanted to be seen with the Pope, but few had the
courage to renounce violence as Jesus insisted we must, the beginnings
of a new Papacy offer us a chance for reflection on our own convictions.
When others treat us with disrespect, do we respond in anger? When
someone isn't listening to us, do we shout to force their attention?
When someone possesses something we covet (like the world's second
largest known petroleum reserves), is "preserving our way of
life" an adequate reason to claim these things as our own at
all costs?
We pray now
for our next pope and for the one who has left us. But our focus
must remain on Christ himself. We pray that the Holy Spirit will
steer our Church away from the temptation to cozy up to the princes
of this world. Moreover may the Spirit restore all of us to a true
sense of Christ's vision for the unconditional love of friends and
enemies, about which John Paul spoke so richly on that October evening
25 years ago.
9 April
2005
Protecting life, in more than just
name
Terri Schiavo
now rests in the arms of a loving God. May she rest in the eternal
grace of God and her family find peace and solace to replace the
political and media circus that so exploited her suffering.
Terri’s
death raises grave questions concerning the true commitment of our
leaders to consistently protect life, despite their having forcefully
coopted the language of the Catholic Church in all their statements
to the press. On the day of her death, President Bush spoke again
in purely Catholic language, stating: “I urge all those who
honor Terri Schiavo to continue to work to build a culture of life,
where all Americans are welcomed and valued and protected, especially
those who live at the mercy of others. The essence of civilization
is that the strong have a duty to protect the weak. In cases where
there are serious doubts and questions, the presumption should be
in the favor of life." As Catholics, we are appalled at the
straight-faced hypocrisy of these words. It is now clear that his
Administration gladly "takes a stand" on "life issues,"
like end-of-life care and abortion, but has not spent any meaningful
funds in alleviating these problems. One can only conclude that
the Republican stands on these issues are pure window dressing,
and that shouting about these problems is more valuable to them
than actually solving them.
Perhaps the
eeriest foreshadowing of the manipulation to come was evident in
remarks made Thursday in Congress by House Majority Leader Tom Delay.
He said, "We will look at an arrogant, out-of-control, unaccountable
judiciary that thumbed their nose at Congress and the president...We
will look into that." His office released a statement, saying,
"The time will come for the men responsible for this to answer
for their behavior, but not today." Mr. Delay appears to be
preparing the groundwork for using the Schiavo family's situation
to make the argument that Bush judicial nominations must be approved
in order "to protect innocent, vulnerable people from being
preyed upon." Federal court nominations, and eventually Supreme
Court selections, will become a "moral battleground" for
the Right, possibly viewed as so important that the Senate filibuster
must be eliminated to win the battle. We predict that Terri Schiavo's
plight will become the rallying cry for dismantling nearly 200 years
of Senate protocol.
But what does
a “presumption of life” mean when 300,000 people and
counting have died in the Darfur Region of the Sudan as our country
stands idly by? What does a “presumption of life” mean
when 40,000 children die every day around the world from hunger,
disease and violence? Will Bush and Delay interrupt vacations and
gather their faithful in Washington anytime soon to address the
increased mortality among over 45 million Americans without healthcare?
Being “Pro Life” means protecting all life, not just
those who can afford it or those who will attract the most media
attention.
Like Bush and
Delay, some Catholics such as Priests for Life's Fr. Frank Pavone,
the Catholic League’s William Donohue, and Senator Rick Santorum
have exploited Terri Schiavo’s suffering to promote an extremist
agenda. They are essentially “cafeteria Catholics,”
pursuing a vindictive and counterproductive campaign to criminalize
abortion, helping drive further increases in military spending,
and obsessed with more tax cuts for the wealthiest 1% as social
services to the poor are slashed. Their narrow definition of “the
sanctity of life” shows substantial ignorance of the Catholic
Church’s clear teaching on a consistent ethic of life. Their
misrepresentation of the Catholic Faith to promote their extremist
agenda hurts us all, and devalues the moral standing of our Church
in the world.
Mr. Bush’s
words about Terri Schiavo ring very hollow, when he and his ideological
soulmates completely sidestep all the killing in Iraq, the bloodbath
of gun violence on our own streets, the domestic suffering that
will result from the impending cuts in Medicare and Social Security,
and any truly effective action to protect the unborn. They may use
Catholic language, but they are completely ignoring the Catholic
Church’s clear teaching on a consistent ethic of life.
31
March 2005
Shouting 'Schiavo!' Republicans
quietly shred the social safety net
“This people pays me lip service but their heart
is far from me.”
Jesus, quoting Isaiah 29, in Matthew 15:8
Adopting the
language of the Catholic Church, Mr. Bush and Congressional leaders
this week sought to exalt themselves as champions of a “culture
of life” as the legal remedies to prolong the life of Mrs.
Terri Schiavo were gradually exhausted. We are united now in praying
for this Catholic woman and her faithful long-suffering family.
But Mrs. Schiavo has fallen further victim to a stunning political
bait-and-switch, as politicians who trumpeted her cause were simultaneously
looking for ways to cut health services that sustain the lives of
millions of our poorest citizens. Furthermore, the tragedy in Minnesota
this week served to highlight the cost in lives of political inaction
by these same conservatives in the service of the Gun Lobby. Perhaps
most starkly revealing of the true Administration stance on the
“sanctity of life” has been Mr. Bush's unsuccessful
effort to persuade the Supreme Court to allow continued executions
of minors and the mentally retarded, in direct violation of Catholic
doctrine.
When it came
to investing dollars in upholding the “sanctity of life,”
or losing contributions from wealthy constituencies, politicians
on the right couldn’t abandon the “culture of life”
quickly enough. Republican House leaders sought to slice $14 billion
from the Medicaid budget that supports nursing home care for the
indigent, including Mrs. Schiavo. A six-month-old baby named Sun
Hudson was taken off life support last week in Houston because the
prognosis of his developmental disorder was poor and his grief-stricken
mother had no money. His death was enabled by a 1999 “futile
care” statute signed into law by then-Governor George Bush.
This past week’s
issue of the American Heart Association’s journal Circulation
is dedicated to documenting the significantly greater burden of
cardiovascular disease among our minority communities, and the health
care disparities that in part contribute to their substantially
increased mortality compared to other Americans. Rather than working
to fix this unconscionable disparity, the Bush Administration is
selling it as a reason to pour Social Security money into private
accounts.
Now comes special
federal legislation, rushed through Congress in the middle of the
night and focused on the fate of Mrs. Schiavo alone. This law signed
by Mr. Bush explicitly excluded similar legal remedy for anyone
else in the same situation. These three legislative acts—slicing
Medicaid funding in our federal budget, protecting Texas hospitals
from charity care expenditures, and creating a privileged status
for Mrs. Schiavo’s life—send a message that the lives
of the poor matter much less than the well-to-do, unless they can
be used as political symbols that mask this double standard.
In the one most
concrete case of a loss of life that Congress could immediately
correct, we continue to see total indifference to the spread of
gun violence in America. Highly publicized gun massacres have now
occurred three times in the past two weeks. But the Congressional
leadership has directly sabotaged renewal of the Assault Weapons
Ban, sought to repeal gun laws in our national capital, and offered
sweeping legal immunity to those who profit the most from gun sales.
According to the National Center for Health Statistics, guns kill
more than 30,000 people annually in the US, and African-Americans
are more than twice as likely as others to be killed by guns.
This past week
the Catholic Bishops issued a statement reaffirming our Church’s
unequivocal opposition to the death penalty. Politicians of every
stripe have long pandered to the general public’s fear of
crime by seeking to execute the poorest and least well-represented
criminals. This Administration even argued in the Supreme Court
for the continued execution of minors and the mentally retarded,
but thankfully from a Catholic perspective those arguments were
ultimately rejected.
As Catholics,
we are called to pay more than lip service to our respect for life.
If the right-wing politicians want to stand up for the “sanctity
of life,” let us see a truly consistent ethic that recognizes
the increased likelihood of death among poor Americans resulting
from cuts to the federal healthcare budget, massive political contributions
by the gun industry, and the continued addiction of weak politicians
to the injustices of the death penalty in America. Terri Schiavo
has helped us all, particularly we Catholics in this Easter Season,
to contemplate again the fragility of life and to reject the selective
valuing of one life over another.
24 March
2005
A Creeping Sense that the
United States Condones Torture
“Whoever
does not have the Spirit of Christ does not belong to him.”
--Romans 8:9
As we enter
Holy Week, Christians recall that the central fact of our faith
was the brutal death of Jesus at the hands of torturers who thought
they were helping to keep order in the world. News continued emerging
this month of the extent to which the Bush Administration encouraged
torture as a matter of US policy, and the lengths to which they
have gone to avoid holding accountable anyone in a position of authority.
Despite reports of torture in Saudi Arabia, Syria and Afghanistan,
the Administration has acknowledged that they were contemplating
transferring hundreds of prisoners from Guantánamo back to
these and other countries. The reason in part appears to be their
inability to bring formal criminal charges against most of these
men, in the wake of the Supreme Court decision last June ruling
that US law applies to the Guantánamo concentration camp
and allows prisoners there to challenge their detention in federal
court. A further fly in the Bush ointment was the ruling last summer
by a federal district judge that the Geneva Conventions apply to
Guantánamo prisoners and that Mr. Bush’s “special
military commissions” to try these men were unconstitutional.
New details
also emerged about the extent of abuse, which is now known to involve
US facilities in Cuba, Afghanistan, Iraq and possibly others. The
NY Times reported that in 2002, two Afghan prisoners were kicked
and beaten to death in US custody after being chained to the ceiling.
Both of these deaths were originally attributed to “natural
causes.” A crowd of enlisted men are being held accountable
for these and other abuses. Meanwhile, a military investigation
has cleared a top American intelligence officer of responsibility
for the abuse of detainees under her watch at Abu Ghraib, and she
has been promoted to commander of a national Army Intelligence Center
in Arizona.
The message
of official sanction for torture is perhaps clearest in the drumbeat
of nominations, as a parade of torture advocates are steadily placed
in the highest government offices. First it was Alberto Gonzales,
who provided legal cover for the Bush torture policy, taking over
as the nation’s highest law enforcement officer. Then Michael
Chertoff was advanced as Secretary of Homeland Secretary. As head
of the Criminal Division at the Justice Department in 2002 and 2003,
Mr. Chertoff advised the CIA on the limits to which they could go
in torturing suspects. He apparently indicated that it was acceptable
to induce near-drowning as an interrogation technique, and referred
the CIA to a memorandum from the Justice Department Office of Legal
Council that gruesomely dumbed down the definition of "torture"
to only those acts that induced pain at a level tantamount to organ
failure or imminent death.
Mr. Bush then
nominated John Negroponte, the former UN ambassador, as the first
Director of National Intelligence. Mr. Negroponte was a key player
in facilitating US support of widespread government-sponsored murder
in Central America during the 1980s under the Reagan Administration.
New information emerged this week that the killing of an Italian
intelligence officer by the US military occurred at a “floating
checkpoint” set up to clear the Baghdad airport road so Mr.
Negroponte could have dinner with a US military commander there.
Now the Administration
has nominated John Bolton to follow in Mr. Negroponte’s footsteps
at the UN. A leading apologist for the US support of official torture
and death in Chile during the 1970s, Mr. Bolton has been a leader
in the Administration's efforts to undermine the International Criminal
Court that might some day hold the Bush Administration accountable
for the unprovoked invasion of Iraq, the killing of scores of thousands
of people there, and the economic control US companies have taken
of the oil resources there.
How many people
have to die in Iraq--500,000, a million, ten million?--before we
all come to the realization that war is not the solution to the
world's problems? Mr. Bush, and those who support him and his war,
have rejected Christ’s imperative for love of both friends
and enemies. Indeed, they have thrown in their lot with that of
the Roman torturers, somehow deaf to the central message of our
Christianity that hangs on the fact of Jesus' death at the hands
of those who believed violence could solve all their problems. Imagine
if it was any one of us being detained without charge for years,
or being tortured just shy of a threshold for organ failure, or
watching as our child was burned to death by a US offensive “aimed
at insurgents.”
If you can
judge someone by the company they keep, then the elevation of torture
advocates like Gonzales, Chertoff, Negroponte and Bolton appears
to represent the true contempt that Mr. Bush has for individual
human dignity. In the words of St. Paul, Mr. Bush does not belong
to Christ, and increasingly neither do we if we continue to support
the pro-death policies of this Administration.
19 March
2005
Dr. Howard Dean, new Democratic
Party chief, seeks the views of Catholics and people of faith
With the election
of Dr. Howard Dean as the chairman of the Democratic National Committee,
our party has an opportunity for new beginnings on many fronts.
In some ways, Dr. Dean’s election is a true victory for moral
conduct in public life. As an ardent opponent of the war in Iraq,
he showed that he was willing to stand up for the value of life
against an Administration that cares nothing for the individual
lives being lost on both sides of that conflict.
Dr. Dean has
invited us to submit our views on the future of our Party, and the
Nation. We would strongly urge all our supporters to write and tell
him how important it is not to let the Republicans get away with
hijacking Christianity in America to advance their radical economic
vision for a government that does not insure a secure retirement,
retreats from advancing biomedical research for healthier lives,
and shifts the tax burden to those least able to pay it. You can
write to Dr. Dean at
http://www.democrats.org/chair/feedback/index.html?psc=front.
Beyond the central
moral issue of war, Dr. Dean has indicated his commitment to working
with religious leaders of many faiths to provide aid and comfort
to committed Catholics who have felt they were without representation
in the current political arena. At the recent DNC meeting, Dr. Dean
told a caucus of advocates for women’s issues, “People
of faith are in the Democratic Party, including me.” As quoted
in Christianity Today, he went on to say, "We are not pro-abortion!
There is not anyone I know who is pro-abortion." For once Catholic
Democrats have a public advocate who attacked the Bush Administration
for overseeing an increase per capita in abortions, reversing the
positive trend that had taken hold under President Bill Clinton.
He pointed out that Mr. Bush has made vague gestures indicating
opposition to abortion, while guiding public policies that actually
increase the number of abortions.
Under former
chairman Terry McAuliffe, the DNC has embraced new efforts to work
with Catholic leaders across the country—in part to illustrate
the ways that the Democratic Party continues to be the standard
bearer for Catholic values like the wellbeing of the poor, absolute
opposition to the insane notion of preventive war, the random and
race-based implementation of the death penalty in America, and the
despoilment of God’s creation.
We look forward
to working with Dr. Dean to bring our Catholic values front and
center to the public debate, in our efforts to stem the immorality
that has characterized the Bush tenure in Washington.
Mr. Bush drags the world
to a more violent place
It was in the
Garden of Gethsemani that Jesus uttered his most prophetic words,
“All those who take up the sword will perish by the sword,”
as he rebuked Peter for injuring Malchus, the servant of the High
Priest. The Bush Administration began in the fall of 1999 to undermine
South Korea’s “Sunshine Policy” of engagement
with North Korea, which had no nuclear weapons at that time. Family
exchanges, travel links, and increased economic contacts then had
raised the specter of beginning talks leading to Korean unification.
But Candidate
Bush began condemning North Korea as a threat, and using the supposed
threat as a rationale for justifying huge new military expenditures
on an internationally destabilizing missile defense system. Now
Mr. Bush is receiving considerable criticism for having stood by
idly, wielding only menacing rhetoric, while North Korea announces
this week that it has in fact secured nuclear weapons “to
defend itself against the United States.” It is increasingly
clear that this was precisely what the Bush Administration wanted.
Now they can proceed unimpeded with restarting the world arms race
that was so profitable for the Defense Industry, pointing to North
Korea and pouring tens of billions of dollars into missile defense.
The principled opposition to missile defense will now be paralyzed
by the fact of real North Korean nuclear armaments.
This is much
like the “social security crisis”—a very expensive
non-solution to a problem that didn’t exist until the Bush
Administration created it.
Meanwhile, news
emerged this week about the extent of Bush Administration efforts
to develop new, heavier nuclear weapons of our own. They have indicated
their intent to work toward suspending the international ban on
nuclear testing. Is our world more peaceful because our president
threatened North Korea, and compelled them to develop a nuclear
capability? Will it be more peaceful once Iran has done the same?
Will restarting the international nuclear arms race make us more
safe or much less safe?
The one thing
Mr. Bush fears is personal accountability. Even as he was undermining
the successful Clinton Administration policy on North Korea, he
began condemning the International Criminal Court. Having watched
as his father killed 5000 innocent people in Panama City in December
1989, while sending the Marines in to “arrest” the country’s
president, he had a very real personal interest in making sure the
first President Bush could never be prosecuted as a war criminal.
This was further amplified in the waning days of the first Gulf
War when Bush the elder ordered the slaughter of an estimated hundred
thousand retreating Iraqi conscripts forced into military service
when Iraq invaded Kuwait.
Now Bush the
younger has his own reasons to fear the International Criminal Court:
100,000-200,000 people killed in Iraq, widespread torture as a matter
of US policy, and plans to militarize other disagreements around
the world. The one thing of which Mr. Bush is deathly afraid is
accountability before the world. Even as he advocates the death
penalty for Saddam Hussein, he fears the judgment of others. This
militarism is the sword, writ large, that Jesus condemned. We owe
it to our deepest principles to oppose this spiral into increased
violence into which the Bush Administration is leading us.
Pulitzer Prize-winning
author Samantha Power from Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government,
wrote poignantly about this issue last February 10 in the New York
Times:
"The United States so mistrusts the International
Criminal Court that President Bush has instead proposed that the
African Union and the United Nations create a Sudan tribunal based
at the war-crimes court run by the United Nations in Tanzania. "We
don't want to be party to legitimizing the I.C.C.," Pierre-Richard
Prosper, the United States ambassador for war crimes issues, said
in late January. That's an about-face from the American stance in
2002, when Mr. Prosper criticized the very same United Nations ad
hoc tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia that he now hails.
Citing "problems that challenge the integrity of the process,"
like a lack of professionalism among staff, Mr. Prosper demanded
that the interminable proceedings at those courts be wrapped up
by 2008, regardless of who was left at large. Justice at these courts,
he said, "has been costly, has lacked efficiency, has been
too slow, and has been too removed from the everyday experience
of the people and the victims."
Temporary courts suffer other disadvantages next
to the permanent International Criminal Court. Because their mandates
are finite, they tend to rush indictments and arrests, disregarding
their potentially destabilizing effects on societies still reeling
from conflict. The permanent court, by contrast, can time its arrests
to advance both justice and peace.
Moreover, creating a court from scratch takes months,
or even years. A new statute would need to be devised, staff members
and judges would need to be recruited, and the African Union, which
has never before overseen criminal trials, would need a crash course.
The ad hoc court could cost as much as $150 million
annually. By contrast, the supposedly bloated international court,
which is already investigating multiple crises simultaneously, will
cost roughly $87 million in 2005. Couldn't that same $150 million
be better spent on arming and transporting African Union peacekeepers
into Darfur to prevent the massacres from being committed in the
first place?
Skeptics say that international courts will never
deter determined warlords. Musa Hilal, the coordinator of the deadly
Janjaweed militia in Darfur, gave me a very different impression
when I met with him soon after the Bush administration had named
him as a potential suspect. He had left Darfur and was living in
Khartoum, courting journalists in the hopes of improving his reputation.
Almost as soon as I sat down with him, he began his defense. Like
his victims, he had only one place on his mind. "I do not belong
at the Hague," he said. Surely President Bush doesn't want
to find himself on the side of someone his administration considers
a killer."
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/10/opinion/10Power.html?
Mr. Bush's truthful moments
President Bush's
State-of-the-Union Address featured much crowing about how well
things are going in Iraq, with the U.S.-imposed elections now over.
Good news or bad, his highly optimistic pronouncements have remained
virtually unchanged for the past two years. To give him the benefit
of the doubt, the Pentagon was prepared to sustain tens of thousands
of American casualties at the time of the invasion. The military
was also prepared to spend vastly more money, and continues to argue
regularly for “emergency appropriations” to cover these
mammoth expenses.
By any objective
criteria, however, Iraq has been a cesspool of mayhem. 13 million
children there have suffered unimagineable psychological harm. Nearly
1500 American families will never see fathers, mothers, or children
again, and new studies have suggested that over 15% of returning
troops are suffering from serious psychological damage. Elections
aside, why has Mr. Bush been so happy for so long about Iraq?
His supporters
have frequently touted honesty as one of his central character traits.
One month after September 11, he proclaimed, “Parents should
teach their children by word and deed to understand and live out
the moral values that we hold, such as honesty, accepting responsibility
for our actions, and loving our neighbors as ourselves."
At the White
House last August 5, he said, “Our enemies are innovative
and resourceful, and so are we. They never stop thinking about new
ways to harm our country and our people, and neither do we.”
Another verbal gaffe? Perhaps it’s time to take Mr. Bush at
his word. The occasion was the signing of the Defense Appropriations
Act, funding the military for fiscal year 2005 and shattering the
$400 billion mark for the first time. Given that we have no major
military adversaries, and that we now support two Defense Departments
(the other is Homeland Security), this is a staggering sum of money.
That law represents one of the most successful efforts in our history
to transfer wealth from all Americans to thousands of military contractors
that are increasingly an extension of Mr. Bush and his Party.
Why were they
prepared to sacrifice tens of thousands of American lives, and to
spend hundreds of billions in Iraq when their war rationale was
so flimsy? What Mr. Bush discussed only obliquely in his State-of-the-Union
are all the cuts in funding for early education and ultimately for
the Social Security benefits of all Americans. No plan was put forward
to care for 11 million American children without health insurance.
Instead, hundreds of billions will be siphoned out of domestic programs
into new and continuing military operations. Who benefits from all
these precious dollars going into Iraq and elsewhere? It’s
not just the direct transfer of our taxes to these contractors.
Elections aside, our Coalition Provisional Authority has permanently
locked in American economic dominance in Iraq for years to come.
From this standpoint,
Mr. Bush’s two years of optimism rings completely true. Of
course he’s happy with how things are going in Iraq. Another
$80 billion is soon headed from us to some of Republican Party's
biggest supporters. Every American child and adult will pay $150
this year for Mr. Bush’s Iraqi transfer-of-wealth scheme.
A hundred thousand Iraqis dead, according to the medical journal
The Lancet? The Pentagon refuses to even study the issue.
Thousands of devastated American families? Mr. Bush attends none
of their funerals, and pays a death allowance of only $12,000 apiece.
So perhaps
we should be grateful for moments of candor, like that day last
August when Mr. Bush uttered his famous remark, “Our enemies…never
stop thinking about new ways to harm our country and our people,
and neither do we.” This brief honesty is so refreshing, when
it squeeks out from behind the din of misrepresentations that typify
most pronouncements by this Administration--such as the total mischaracterization
in Mr. Bush's speech Wednesday night about the financial future
of Social Security (For instance, see Prof. Paul Krugman's recent
dissection of this dishonesty at http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/printer_020105E.shtml).
When it comes to the wellbeing of average Americans, and indeed
the current victims of the misuse of American power around the world,
this President needs somewhat more education regarding his other
utterance, namely the part about "accepting responsibility
for our actions, and loving our neighbors as ourselves."
George W. Bush's Inaugural Address
(Excerpts,
21 January 2005)...
"We have seen our vulnerability and we have seen its deepest
source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment
and tyranny prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder,
violence will gather and multiply in destructive power, and cross
the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only
one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment,
and expose the pretensions of tyrants and reward the hopes of the
decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom. We
are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival
of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty
in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion
of freedom in all the world.
He has seen reigning on the earth tyranny, crime, and imposture.
He sees at this moment a whole nation, grappling with all the oppressions
of the human race, suspend the course of its heroic labors to elevate
its thoughts and vows toward the great Being who has given it the
mission it has undertaken and the strength to accomplish it. Is
it not He whose immortal hand, engraving on the heart of man the
code of justice and equality, has written there the death sentence
of tyrants? Is it not He who, from the beginning of time, decreed
for all the ages and for all peoples liberty, good faith, and justice?
America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one.
From the day of our founding, we have proclaimed that every man
and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value,
because they bear the image of the maker of heaven and earth. Across
the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government
because no one is fit to be a master and no one deserves to be a
slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our nation.
It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent
requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.
So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the
growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation
and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
He did not create kings to devour the human race. He did not
create priests to harness us, like vile animals, to the chariots
of kings and to give to the world examples of baseness, pride, perfidy,
avarice, debauchery, and falsehood. He created the universe to proclaim
His power. He created men to help each other, to love each other
mutually, and to attain to happiness by the way of virtue. It is
He who implanted in the breast of the triumphant oppressor remorse
and terror, and in the heart of the oppressed and innocent calmness
and fortitude. It is He who impels the just man to hate the evil
one, and the evil man to respect the just one. It is He who adorns
with modesty the brow of beauty, to make it yet more beautiful.
It is He who makes the mother's heart beat with tenderness and joy.
It is He who bathes with delicious tears the eyes of the son pressed
to the bosom of his mother. It is He who silences the most imperious
and tender passions before the sublime love of the fatherland. It
is He who has covered nature with charms, riches, and majesty. All
that is good is His work, or is Himself. Evil belongs to the depraved
man who oppresses his fellow man or suffers him to be oppressed.
The Author of Nature has bound all mortals by a boundless chain
of love and happiness. Perish the tyrants who have dared to break
it!
This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves
and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its
nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained
by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the
soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may
reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America
will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our
goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their
own freedom, and make their own way. The great objective of ending
tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty
of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America's influence is
not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America's influence
is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom's cause.
Republicans, it is yours to purify the earth which they have
soiled, and to recall to it the justice that they have banished!
Liberty and virtue together came from the breast of Divinity. Neither
can abide with mankind without the other. O generous People, would
you triumph over all your enemies? Practice justice, and render
the Divinity the only worship worthy of Him. O People, let us deliver
ourselves today, under His auspices, to the just transports of a
pure festivity. Tomorrow we shall return to the combat with vice
and tyrants. We shall give to the world the example of republican
virtues. And that will be to honor Him still.
My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people from
further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen
to test America's resolve, and have found it firm. We will persistently
clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral
choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which
is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents
prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude,
or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.
We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that
success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their
own people. America's belief in human dignity will guide our policies.
Yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators;
they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed.
In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there
can be no human rights without human liberty. Some, I know, have
questioned the global appeal of liberty—though this time in
history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom
ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should
never be surprised by the power of our ideals.
It is wisdom above all that our guilty enemies would drive
from the republic. To wisdom alone it is given to strengthen the
prosperity of empires. It is for her to guarantee to us the rewards
of our courage. Let us associate wisdom, then, with all our enterprises.
Let us be grave and discreet in all our deliberations, as men who
are providing for the interests of the world. Let us be ardent and
obstinate in our anger against conspiring tyrants, imperturbable
in dangers, patient in labors, terrible in striking back, modest
and vigilant in successes. Let us be generous toward the good, compassionate
with the unfortunate, inexorable with the evil, just toward every
one. Let us not count on an unmixed prosperity, and on triumphs
without attacks, nor on all that depends on fortune or the perversity
of others. Sole, but infallible guarantors of our independence,
let us crush the impious league of kings by the grandeur of our
character, even more than by the strength of our arms.
Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every
soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because
we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will
come to those who love it…We go forward with complete confidence
in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on
the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events.
Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and
chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent
hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul.
When our Founders declared a new order of the ages, when soldiers
died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty, when citizens
marched in peaceful outrage under the banner Freedom Now they were
acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History
has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction,
set by liberty and the Author of Liberty. When the Declaration of
Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded
in celebration, a witness said, It rang as if it meant something.
In our time it means something still. America, in this young century,
proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants
thereof. Renewed in our strength, tested but not weary we are ready
for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.
You war against kings; you are therefore worthy to honor Divinity.
Being of Beings, Author of Nature, the brutalized slave, the vile
instrument of despotism, the perfidious and cruel aristocrat, outrages
Thee by his very invocation of Thy name. But the defenders of liberty
can give themselves up to Thee, and rest with confidence upon Thy
paternal bosom. Being of Beings, we need not offer to Thee unjust
prayers. Thou knowest Thy creatures, proceeding from Thy hands.
Their needs do not escape Thy notice, more than their secret thoughts.
Hatred of bad faith and tyranny burns in our hearts, with love of
justice and the fatherland. Our blood flows for the cause of humanity.
Behold our prayer. Behold our sacrifices. Behold the worship we
offer Thee."
...with apologies to Maximilien Marie Isidore de Robespierre,
speech to the Convention, Committee on Public Safety, 7 June 1794,
six weeks before he was arrested and executed for his role in the
French Reign of Terror.
A time to remember that for which
we stand
Mr. Bush’s
inauguration is an occasion for introspection for most soulful Democrats.
So much passion and so much money invested in bringing some civility
back to our country, and now so much triumphalism to suffer as the
Republicans once again take office.
But as Catholics
and Christians, we are no strangers to adversity. The earliest Catholics
risked their lives for what they believed. We are called now only
to persevere in fighting the tyranny of the present moment. The
Administration continues laying the groundwork for a perpetual military
presence in Iraq, no matter how many people may be killed in the
process, and we must fight it. News stories emerged this week about
plans to undermine the government of Iran militarily, and we must
fight this reliance on the use of force as the first resort to conflict
resolution.
On the economic
front, a new CBS/NY Times poll shows 50% of Americans have bought
into Mr. Bush's lie that Social Security is in crisis today because
of a shortfall that may or may not happen 50 years from now. Meanwhile,
the Administration prepares to permanently extend tax cuts heavily
weighted to the top 1%--money that will largely come from a Social
Security surplus, headed toward $3.5 trillion, disproportionately
built up with our payroll taxes. For all the tax-cutting ardor on
Capitol Hill, you'll never hear a Republican advocate cutting payroll
taxes for the working poor. Job insecurity is as great as ever.
Disposable income for working Americans is declining. The number
of people without health insurance will continue to climb as health
costs soar unimpeded.
A self-deluded
43% of respondents said they thought most abortion would be illegal
by the time Mr. Bush leaves office, even as the statistics show
a sea change toward more abortions under Mr. Bush after years of
declines. Here in Massachusetts, our governor has sought to reinstate
a death penalty that has so many safeguards that virtually no one
would ever qualify for it—thus a purely symbolic use of state-sponsored
death, and to what end?
As Catholic
Democrats, in solidarity with our Bishops, we will stand ardently
opposed to those who seek to kill a few convicts as a balm for the
collective guilt over violence in our society. We will search for
ways to fight abortion that actually prevent abortion, without further
dividing our society over the question. We will fight efforts to
impoverish the elderly by cutting their Social Security. We will
seek new solutions to care for those with illness as Jesus urged
us to do, and to protect our environment. We will fight to end the
holocaust of preventable disease in the developing world. And we
will tell truth to power as Mr. Bush seeks to install the apologists
for his killing and torture in Iraq in new positions of authority
in our government.
A voice cries
out in the wilderness, prepare the way of the Lord. What other choice
do we have? Fortunately, God has given us the gift of one another,
and a deep-seated call to answer.
Holding
accountable those who say they follow Christ
Imagine someone
saying that Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was his favorite philosopher,
and then watching that person unilaterally launch a war that would
kill scores of thousands of people and consume hundreds of billions
of dollars that could have been used to cure preventable disease
abroad, insure the uninsured, and lift millions of unemployed out
of poverty. The sad truth of our American life today is that everyone
recognizes that Dr. King stood for non-violence, but the words of
Jesus--"love your enemies"--are largely forgotten by the
powerful among us. How indebted we are today for the message of
Dr. King, who attributed his single-mindedness to his discipleship
for Christ. May the same be true for us as we fight to prevent the
next war being planned by our current government, as documented
in a new story published this week by Seymour Hersh in the New Yorker
magazine (http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/?050124fa_fact).
An editorial
appearing on Martin Luther King day in the Minneapolis Star-Tribune
emphasizes this message in a beautiful way (http://www.startribune.com/stories/561/5187690.html
):
"I'd like somebody to mention that day that Martin Luther
King Jr. tried to give his life serving others. I'd like for somebody
to say that day that Martin Luther King tried to love somebody.
I want you to say that day that I tried to be right on the war question....
I want you to say that I did try to feed the hungry. And I want
you to be able to say that day that I did try in my life to clothe
those who were naked. I want you to say on that day that I did try
in my life to visit those who were in prison. I want you to say
that I tried to love and serve humanity...."
From the Rev. Martin Luther King's sermon,
"The Drum Major Instinct," originally delivered Feb. 4,
1968
With programs,
services and marches today, this nation honors the Rev. Martin Luther
King Jr. primarily as one of America's greatest civil and human
rights leaders. His "I have a dream" and "content
of character, not color of skin" remarks will be oft-repeated
as reminders of the kind of America we still strive to be.
Yet as this
country remains engaged in a questionable war in Iraq, it seems
fitting to also remember King the antiwar activist -- one of the
first national leaders to courageously speak out against the war
in Vietnam. Surely, if King were alive today to celebrate what would
have been his 76th birthday, he would make the same arguments against
the Middle Eastern conflict that has taken thousands of Iraqi and
American lives.
During the last
years of his life, King was a strident opponent of American militarism
and once said that "the greatest purveyor of violence in the
world today is my own government." He also said that a nation
that continues to "spend more money on military defense than
on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual doom."
Although President
Bush is a born-again Christian and advocates "faith-based"
social programs, he still plunged headlong into an unjustified (and
many argue immoral) war. Bush's government can find billions to
wage armed conflict, but can't find a way to fully fund special
education or its own ambitious K-12 education plan. And now it is
trying to weasel out of the federal commitment to a Social Security
safety net for elderly citizens.
King, and other
peace activists of his time, would lament that the lessons of the
Vietnam War and of the war on poverty have fallen on deaf contemporary
federal ears.
So today as
we remember King, celebrate his life, work and the progress made
based on his efforts, consider what remains to be done on his goals
of eliminating racism, poverty, hunger, unfair incarceration, discrimination
and inequities in education, housing and employment.
And don't forget
his dedication to peace. On that topic his words of several decades
ago ring true today: "Through violence you may murder the hater,
but you do not murder hate."
American Catholics Respond
to the South Asia Disaster
With casualty
estimates having surpassed 100,000, the December 26 disaster in
the Indian Ocean has led to an international outpouring of aid pledges.
Governments have taken the lead, with Japan having pledged $500
million, the Bush Administration a planned commitment of $350 million,
and other nations small and large contributing to a balance currently
estimated at $2 billion.
Catholics have
taken a leading role in driving private philanthropy, with Catholic
churches across America having taken up special collections this
past weekend to support work by Catholic Relief Services (CRS).
In total, CRS has committed $25 million this week to recovery efforts
in the twelve affected countries of South Asia. With 4,000 committed
staff in 94 countries around the world, CRS should be a source of
pride for all American Catholics, and indeed all Americans, in their
efforts to address the combined consequences of war, poverty and
disease among the world’s poorest citizens.
In a statement
circulated this week, CRS President Ken Hackett said, "I am
overwhelmed and deeply touched by the immediate and magnificent
outpouring of generosity shown by donors from around the world.
The response proves that we do live in a global community bound
by compassion and an inspiring solidarity. The needs are still tremendous
but I am inspired by those of you have found it in your heart to
make such vital donations. I hope you will read the donor stories
on our website so you will get an insight into the true goodness
of the humanity. Thank you."
When natural
disasters of this magnitude occur, many of us feel helpless to respond
individually in a meaningful way. We applaud the willingness of
the Bush Administration to rise to the occasion on our behalf. The
USS Abraham Lincoln and a convoy of ships have arrived to provide
supplies and logistical capabilities, in addition to airlifts from
a US military facility in Thailand. The Administration cannot be
faulted for its initial underestimation of the relief needs brought
on by the gargantuan earthquake and resulting tsunami.
Nonetheless,
it is worth reflecting for a moment on our government’s response
to the incredible need in South Asia through the lens of our national
commitments in Iraq, and our responsibility for the parallel suffering
there. Estimates from last October by researchers at Johns Hopkins
and Columbia Universities estimated that more than 100,000 Iraqis
had been killed to that point as a result of Mr. Bush’s invasion
of Iraq. This places the Iraq War in the same ballpark as the South
Asian tsunami in terms of the magnitude of the total casualties
inflicted, with both situations imposing incalculable emotional
suffering on the affected populations.
The Administration’s
current stated commitment to relief in South Asia, which Mr. Bush
indicated this week would be expended over a period of years, represents
slightly more than two days’ worth of the current American
expenditures in Iraq—a stunning $1 billion per week, or more
than $150 per year for every child, man and woman in the United
States. The major difference of course is that most of the money
in Iraq is leading to the infliction of more suffering and more
animosity, while US Ambassador John Negroponte sits on $18 billion
in allocated but unspent Iraqi relief funds. This is a striking
study in contrasts, with the US Military being exploited on the
one hand by a civilian authority to wreak havoc in Iraq, and on
the other hand demonstrating its unalloyed capacity to accomplish
good in the Indian Ocean basin.
By this standard,
the comparatively small amount being dedicated by governments around
the world to the assistance of more than five million affected people
in South Asia will nonetheless be welcome as emblematic of what
collective action can do to help desperate people reconstruct their
homes and livelihoods. We as Catholics have an opportunity to encourage
our government to do more, in part by writing with thanks and encouragement
to Mr. Bush (president@whitehouse.gov). We also have an opportunity
to donate directly to relief efforts being carried out by Catholic
Relief Services, by going to this link: http://www.catholicrelief.org
Pope John Paul's World Day of Peace
message: "Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with
good."
New polls appearing
this week in Time and Newsweek Magazines indicate that the vast
majority of Americans consider themselves to be Christians, and
remarkably share even doctrinal orthodoxies such as a belief in
the virgin birth of Jesus. What their surveys fail to measure is
whether we have maintained any fidelity to the fundamental message
of our Christianity, namely our recognition of the centrality of
love toward strangers and even toward our enemies. A recent catechism
entitled, “Catholicism for Dummies,” does not even mention
the words “Love your enemies,” the central tenet of
Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount.
This Christmas
we are faced with the tragic reality that our Christianity is being
emptied of its meaning, turned into a cultural construct that pays
lip service to the name of Christ but denies His most fundamental
teachings. Tens of thousands being killed with the approval of the
Sudanese government, and similar numbers being killed with US tax
dollars in Iraq. Three million AIDS deaths anticipated again next
year in Africa because treatments costing only $100 a year per person
are not available to 99% of HIV victims there, and similar numbers
of children still dying of malaria and diarrheal disease for lack
of treatments costing pennies. Pope John Paul II, in his World Day
of Peace message for 2005, has called all of us to a renewed recognition
that being a Catholic Christian is fundamentally about renouncing
violence as a means of resolving conflicts—at any level—and
that the gospels call us to boundless personal generosity, rather
than self-satisfied greed. The Pope writes:
…How can
we not think with profound regret of the drama unfolding in Iraq,
which has given rise to tragic situations of uncertainty and insecurity
for all?
To attain the
good of peace there must be a clear and conscious acknowledgment
that violence is an unacceptable evil and that it never solves problems.
"Violence is a lie, for it goes against the truth of our faith,
the truth of our humanity. Violence destroys what it claims to defend:
the dignity, the life, the freedom of human beings"(John Paul
II, Homily at Drogheda, Ireland, 29 September 1979) . What is needed
is a great effort to form consciences and to educate the younger
generation to goodness by upholding that integral and fraternal
humanism which the Church proclaims and promotes. This is the foundation
for a social, economic and political order respectful of the dignity,
freedom and fundamental rights of each person.
The Pope concludes:
No man or woman of good will can renounce the struggle to overcome
evil with good. This fight can be fought effectively only with the
weapons of love. When good overcomes evil, love prevails and where
love prevails, there peace prevails. This is the teaching of the
Gospel, restated by the Second Vatican Council: "the fundamental
law of human perfection, and consequently of the transformation
of the world, is the new commandment of love"(Gaudium et Spes,
38).
The same is
true in the social and political spheres. In this regard, Pope Leo
XIII wrote that those charged with preserving peace in relations
between peoples should foster in themselves and kindle in others
"charity, the mistress and queen of all the virtues"(Rerum
Novarum: Acta Leonis XIII 11, 1892). Christians must be convinced
witnesses of this truth. They should show by their lives that love
is the only force capable of bringing fulfillment to persons and
societies, the only force capable of directing the course of history
in the way of goodness and peace.
Full text available
at http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/messages/peace/documents/hf_jp-ii_mes_20041216_xxxviii-world-day-for-peace_en.html
The disgrace of Bush policy on torture:
blame someone else when accusations arise, but keep the torture
going
An unknown number
of "enemy combatants" are being held by the United States
government in undisclosed locations around the world, with no accountability
to the Red Cross or anyone else. The assumption that the "War
against Terror" somehow dwarfs other struggles in American
history has been accepted as a reasonable justification for an Administration
policy that can best be described as "the ends justify the
means." On the subject of the torture of human beings, no Christian
or secular ethics system allows the kind of behavior instigated
by the Bush Administration worldwide and recently documented at
Guantanamo Bay in a report by the International Red Cross. Apparently
Mr. Bush believes that accountability to God is all that matters,
but we as Catholics must stand up courageously to this kind of thinking
and put these heinous policies to an end.
This subject
was addressed in a compelling way in a copyrighted story appearing
in the New York Times on Saturday 12/4/04 by their religion writer,
Peter Steinfels:
BELIEFS
The ethical questions involving torture
are lost in debate over the war in Iraq.
The coming week's
celebration of Hanukkah revolves around the delightful story of
a tiny amount of consecrated oil that miraculously burned for eight
days in December 164 B.C. when the Maccabees recaptured and rededicated
the Temple after it had been desecrated by the Syrian ruler Antiochus
Epiphanes.
There is another
celebrated story, however, this one grim rather than delightful,
connected with the persecution by Antiochus and the saga of the
Maccabean revolt. The story of Hannah and her seven sons appears
in various sources but most extensively in the Second Book of Maccabees,
a Greek translation of a Hebrew text eventually incorporated into
the Christian Bible and found in Roman Catholic Bibles today although
not included in Hebrew scriptures or, later, in Protestant Bibles.
As part of Antiochus's
campaign to break the fidelity of the Jews to their way of life,
Hannah and her sons are ordered to eat swine. When they refuse,
each of them, one by one and in view of the others, is successively
subjected to gruesome mutilations, scalding in oil, and death. All
modern English translations feature, in these passages, one of the
ugliest words in the language: "torture."
It is a reminder
that torture opens one of the greatest chasms in morality. In even
the most morally unsophisticated forms of popular storytelling,
it is certainly not violence in itself, not even killing, that unmistakably
separates good guys from evil ones. It is torture. Heroes may kill;
villains torture - Nazi commanders, soulless drug dealers, despots
on this planet or in outer space.
In debates among
contemporary ethicists about the notion of acts that qualify as
"intrinsically evil," torture has always been a prime
candidate. Within Roman Catholicism, the discussion of intrinsic
evils has recently focused on abortion and euthanasia. But when
Pope John Paul II weighed in on the question in his 1993 encyclical
"The Splendor of Truth," the list of other actions he
described as evil "in themselves, independently of circumstances"
included, along with genocide and slavery, "physical and mental
torture."
But, really,
is this a topic to bring up on the eve of a season of sparkling
candles, childlike exuberance and family gift-giving?
One could reply
that the issue is posed by the nomination of Alberto R. Gonzales,
who as White House counsel helped frame the administration's policies
about treatment of prisoners of war. Or that it is posed, more recently,
by the International Committee of the Red Cross's newly reported
findings that practices "tantamount to torture" have continued
at the United States' prison at Guanatánamo Bay.
But is this
a topic that anyone wants to examine ever? Last April, the photographs
from the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq shocked the world and put the
treatment of prisoners in the headlines for several weeks. Then,
Congressional hearings faded, military investigations were begun
in all directions, a few individuals were tried without great publicity
- and attention shifted to the presidential campaign, where no one
was going to touch the issue.
As Mark Danner
points out in his book "Torture and Truth" (New York Review
Books), in the end the lurid photos may have deflected the central
question of what role torture may have played, or yet be playing,
in American policy for waging a war on terror into the question
of individual indiscipline and sadism - "Animal House on the
night shift," as former Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger
called the Abu Ghraib atrocities.
Mr. Danner's
book is valuable because to the 50 pages of articles he originally
wrote for The New York Review of Books, the volume adds hundreds
of pages of the relevant Justice and Defense Department memorandums,
the photos, prisoners' depositions, Red Cross reports and the military's
own major investigations of Abu Ghraib. Motivated readers can judge
for themselves.
Although the
question of torture has justly become part of the debate about the
war in Iraq, the question cannot be reduced to differences over
that war. The Guantánamo prisoners, after all, were captured
in Afghanistan, in a military action that had overwhelming support
from the citizenry.
Gathering intelligence
is clearly crucial to the entire war on terror. Long before the
invasion of Iraq, voices here and there began to ask about the legitimacy
of torture, sometimes treading a fine line where it is hard to tell
whether the aim is to uphold a moral precept or undermine it. It
became imperative to define what constituted, in government talk,
"aggressive interrogation" or "exceptional techniques"
and what was, in blunt talk, torture.
In this regard,
the documents in "Torture and Truth" seem to operate on
three levels. At the highest level, the thrust of the Justice Department
memorandums seems entirely toward giving interrogators maximum leeway
rather than worrying about setting limits. At the middle level,
the Defense Department spells out permissible methods of increasingly
aggressive interrogation with a degree of detail, benign examples
and insistence on safeguards that mostly suggest approaches definitely
this side of torture.
At the lowest
level, however, the appalling reports from the field give an entirely
different picture of what "sleep adjustment," "stress
positions," "environmental manipulation," "removal
of clothing" and "increasing anxiety by use of aversions"
can mean in practice.
In an analysis
of the torture question written this week for Religion News Service,
David Anderson notes that "nearly absent from the three major
administration reports on the abuse at Abu Ghraib is any discussion
of the ethical issues involved."
The report from
Mr. Schlesinger's panel has eight appendices, the last of them rightly
described by Mr. Anderson as "a cursory 2 1/3 pages on ethical
issues." The panel calls for more "ethics education programs"
without suggesting what their substance might be.
Mr. Danner notes
how much of the 9/11 commission's much-admired reconstruction of
the World Trade Center plot depended on information from high-level
Qaeda conspirators held in places and interrogated in ways that
no one, apparently even top officials of the government, wants to
know more about.
The most disturbing
aspect of "Torture and Truth" is not anything it reveals
that has been hidden but how much it reveals that is not hidden
- but that the nation chooses not to look at.
Death
and destruction continue in Iraq
December
arrived with news that the Bush Administration was sending more
troops to Iraq, to an estimated total of 150,000. Roughly 20,000
are currently stationed in Afghanistan, with escalating insurgent
violence there despite the recent elections. Families across America
have now been thrust into a new state of anxiety as their loved
ones have deployments extended or are being newly pushed into harm's
way just before the Christmas holidays. The Administration continues
its silence on the issue of whether U.S. troops will be permanently
deployed in Iraq, enlarging international suspicions that their
primary motivation for invading Iraq was for the extended economic
exploitation of the country. Elections are supposedly scheduled
for less than eight weeks from now, but there is no free press and
apparently only one presidential candidate--a former CIA employee
reasonably characterized as a one-time "terrorist," given
his history of killing in Iraq as a political expatriot during the
Hussein era.
Catholic Democrats calls
on Congress to embrace new legislation compelling the Administration
to scientifically track how many people are dying in Iraq. With
the conclusive demonstration that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction
and represented no imminent threat to the United States, the war
justification evolved to 'Saddam was a bad guy who killed lots of
his own people.' But now that the U.S. is responsible, under the
Geneva Conventions, for the safety of the Iraqi people, American
concern for the unjust deaths of these people seems to have evaporated.
The latest casualty estimates from the Lancet study in October suggest
that Mr. Bush and his father are now collectively responsible for
upward of 400,000 deaths in Iraq, which puts them well beyond Saddam
Hussein in terms of culpability for numbers of Iraqis killed.
Last
month's assault
on the 300,000 people of Falluja, postponed until after the American
election so as not to tarnish the so-called "pro-life"
message of the Bush Campaign, claimed at least 1000 lives of Iraqis
and more than 54 US military personnel (with 425 American wounded).
How many civilians were killed will never be known, because the
Administration again refuses to assess the "collateral damage"
of their war operations in Iraq. A city the size of St. Louis has
now been virtually destroyed by the US taxpayers. When Senator Kerry
intoned that a Bush win would be "more of the same" in
Iraq, his words acquired new prescience as Iraqi rebels launched
new offensives in Mosul and Ramadi while Falluja was being leveled.
The painful lesson Jesus taught us 2000 years ago, that violence
begets more violence, continues to be ignored by a Republican Administration
that basked in the flagrantly false perception that they were somehow
more faithful to Christ than their Democratic opponent.
Catholics prove to be pivotal in
presidential election
A review of CNN exit poll data following last month's presidential
election showed that the candidate who carried the Catholic vote
in the eight largest swing states also carried that state. So Catholics
probably proved to be pivotal in this election.
Senator
Kerry suffered six months of unprecedented personal attacks, including
those by a few bishops who chose to use their office to assert their
own political views in the presidential race. These attacks were
leveled in very personal terms, as if Mr. Kerry alone was responsible
for the tragedy of abortion in America. The reality is that his
views are shared by a huge swath of believing Catholics, who are
convinced that there are far more Christian (and effective) ways
to prevent abortions than by putting hundreds of thousands of pregnant
women in prison.
The
CNN exit data showed that only 15% of all respondents (not sorted
by religion) said abortion should always be illegal. Another 26%
felt it should be legal with some restrictions. The effectiveness
of the Bush Administration in dealing with abortion will become
somewhat clearer when they finally release their first abortion
surveillance data (for 2001), planned for the day after Thanksgiving.
We may begin to see whether Bush social and economic policies have
indeed boosted the number of abortions in the US as early data have
suggested.
Exit
polls suggested that the Catholic vote was crucial. CNN reported
that self-identified Catholics represented 27% of all voters. Mr.
Bush appears to have carried the majority, with 51% voting Republican
and 48% for Mr. Kerry. Among those who said they attended Mass weekly,
55% appeared to have voted for Mr. Bush, but this was not consistent
across the country. In California, 62% of weekly Mass attenders
favored Senator Kerry, compared to only 36% for Bush. Overall, Mr.
Kerry carried a majority of Catholics who said they attended less
often than weekly (52%).
Senator Kerry
won the Catholic vote in Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania.
Mr. Bush's margin of victory among Catholics was especially striking
in the two key states of Ohio and Florida, where he won 55% and
57% of the Catholic vote, respectively. Given the unusual involvement
of the St. Louis archbishop in the presidential race, it was notable
that Mr. Bush merely edged Mr. Kerry among Catholics there, 50 to
49%.
The
fallout from this election for our Church may be huge. Many people
who have written to us about pastors who advocated from the pulpit
for Mr. Bush are questioning their allegiance to parishes that seemed
to have become vehicles for Republican political maneuvering. Many
of us shudder at the way thousands of Republican organizers were
deployed into Catholic parishes in this election cycle. Although
Mr. Bush may be the winner in this presidential race, we and our
Church are the losers. The 2008 presidential election is likely
to see a far vaster exploitation of churches in general, and ours
in particular, which will make 2004 look like a time of virtuous
separation of church and state in comparison. |